Aspects of the Integration of the Periphery in the Roman Empire

Aspects of the Integration of the

Periphery in the Roman Empire

Kultura i Polityka : zeszyty naukowe Wyższej Szkoły Europejskiej im. ks. Józefa Tischnera w Krakowie nr 7, 11-28

Wouter Vanacker*

ASPECTS OF THE INTEGRATION OF THE

PERIPHERY IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE

Abstract

This survey of a n c ie n t so u rces an d c o n te m p o ra ry th e o ries o n R o m an izatio n p erm its us to gain in sig h t into a n u m b e r of aspects of th e in te g ra tio n of th e w est­ e rn provinces of th e R om an E m pire. W hile R om an lite ra ry sources sp eak in d e n ­ igrating term s ab o u t th e (cu ltu re of the) subjugated peoples an d cele b rate R om an d o m in atio n , th e R o m an E m p ire w as c h a ra c te riz e d by its re m a rk a b ly inclusive ch aracter. The affiliation w ith R o m an c u ltu re an d th e a c q u ire m e n t of R om an cit­ izenship provided o p p o rtu n ities to th e indigenous elites in th e p e rip h ery to m a in ­ ta in local social, political a n d econom ic power, an d to p u rsu e a n im p erial career. These processes, w h ich w ere c ru c ia l fo r th e e m p ire ’s p ro lo n g ed existence, m ay h av e en ta ile d th e d evelopm ent of a d ifferen t type of co ren ess a n d p e r ip h e r a lly w ith in local p e rip h e ra l com m unities, defined by th e (deliberated) ad o p tio n of R o­ m a n traits.

Keywords

P eriphery, w e s te rn p ro v in ces, R o m a n E m p ire , in te g ra tio n , R o m an izatio n .

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Introduction

The pu rpose of this p a p e r is to p resen t a g eneral introduction to a se­ lective n u m b er of aspects of th e integration of th e perip h ery in th e Ro­ m an E m p ire. This survey m ain ly focuses on th e w e ste rn p a r t of th e em p ire du ring th e P rin cip ate (27 B.C. - A.D. 284). The regional d elim ­ itatio n is b ased on th e o b serv atio n th a t, p a rtic u la rly w ith re sp e c t to

+ W outer V an ack er w a s b o r n i n 1 9 8 6 i n Iz e g e m (B e lg iu m ). I n 2 0 0 4 , h e in itia te d h is s tu d y o f

H is to r y a n d L a tin a t G h e n t U n iv e r s ity I n 2 0 0 7 , h e g r a d u a t e d s u m m a c u m l a u d e a s a M a s te r in H is to r y w ith a th e s is e n title d C o n flic ts b e tw e e n R o m e a n d t h e in d ig e n o u s p e o p le s i n N o r t h A fri­ c a . As o f 2 0 0 8 , h e h a s b e e n w o r k in g o n a P h D - p ro je c t w h ic h a im s t o s tu d y in d ig e n o u s in s u r g e n ­ c y i n t h e R o m a n E m p ir e fro m th e L a te R e p u b lic t o th e r e i g n o f S e p tim iu s S e v e ru s . As o f 2 0 0 9 , h e is a n a p p r e n t i c e a t t h e N.W . P o s th u m u s I n s titu te i n G r o n in g e n (T h e N e th e r la n d s ) , w h i c h is c o n n e c te d t o th e in te r n a t io n a l E S T E R -n e tw o rk .

so cial stratifica tio n a n d cu ltu re, th e e a s te rn p ro v in ces w e re m a rk e d by h ig h e r ra te s of tra d itio n a lis m a n d resistan c e. The ch ro n o lo g ical lim its a re in p a r t ch o sen by th e availab ility of p rim a ry so u rces an d (hence) th e state of actu al know ledge of th is p a r t of R om e’s im p erial history. M ost im portantly, in th is p erio d im p erial stability cu lm in ated an d th e co n sid ere d social, econom ic, po litical a n d c u ltu ra l pro cesses th a t influenced, chan g ed an d in terco n n ected pro v in cial societies w ere m ost p ro n o u n ced . D uring th e p reced in g R epublican a n d su b seq u en t L ate R o m an era, th e se p ro c e sse s w e re e ith e r h a rd ly p re s e n t o r a l­ read y fading.

It is im p o rta n t to define w h a t is m e an t by co reness a n d p erip h e ral- ity in th is paper. As analytical tools, th e te rm s core (or centre) a n d periph­

ery a re freq u en tly u sed in th e so cial sciences. The different qu alities

c h ara cteristically a ttrib u te d to th e involved societies a re derived from th e ir p o sitio n w ith in a system of social, econom ic, p o litical a n d c u l­ tu ra l relation s. A b asic tr a it in all c o re/p erip h ery relatio n s is th e o b ­ serv atio n th a t th is d issim ilarity is m a tch ed by a n a p p a re n t inequality in th e o rd e r of stren g th , pow er, value, p o te n tial, significance, in flu ­ ence, etc. In th is survey, th e co re a n d p e rip h e ry a re also defined by a sim ilar relatio n sh ip of inequality. W ithin a system of u n b alan ced re la ­ tionships, th e dichotom y b etw een th e co re a n d p e rip h e ry is often also a rtic u la te d by sp a tia l in c o n g ru e n c e. H ow ever, o n e m ay a rg u e th a t sp atial sep a ratio n is n o t n ecessarily ch a ra c te ristic to a co re/p erip h ery relation ship . The ap p licatio n of th e co n cepts of co ren ess a n d p erip h - erality sh ould n ot be restric ted to interso cietal analysis. For instance, in th e sp h e re of social relations, th e te rm s m ay b e u sed as an aly tical tools to d enote vertical differentiation w ith in one society, a n d to stru c ­ tu re social relatio n s b etw een th e different social co m m u nities w ith in th e la rg e r society. Also, th e relatio n s betw een a society ’s p rim a ry cu l­ tu re a n d (subversive) su b cu ltu res, a n d th e w ays th e fo rm er m ay influ­ ence th e existence, tra its a n d develo p m en t of th e latter, m ay be s tru c ­ tu re d by a co re/p erip h ery m odel. W hile in th is su rvey sp a tia l in c o n ­ g ru en ce is a h allm ark of th e co re/p erip h ery relatio n ship s betw een Ro­ m a n society in C en tral Italy a n d th e indigenous societies in th e p ro v ­ inces, it w ill b eco m e cle a r th a t th e dynam ics of in teg ratio n m ay have led to th e em erg en c e of a specific type of in tra so c ie ta l co ren ess a n d p e rip h e ra lity , p a rtic u la rly b e tw e e n th e elite a n d th e su b -elite se g ­ m ents of p e rip h e ra l com m unities. It is now clear th a t R om an so cie­ ty in C en tral Italy is defined as th e e m p ire ’s core, a n d th e rest of Italy a n d th e prov inces as its periphery. This m odel m ay sim plify th e co m ­ p lex ities th a t s h a p e d th e re la tio n s b etw ee n b o th zones, a n d it m ay overlook ce rta in p a tte rn s of co reness a n d p erip h e rality w h ich do not

ASPECTS OF THE INTEGRATION OF TH E PERIPHERY IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE

fit in th is m odel. F or in stan ce, w ith re g a rd to c u ltu ra l rela tio n s b e ­ tw een R om e a n d th e e a ste rn provinces, w h ich a re excluded fro m this p a p e r ’s scope, th e ap p licatio n of th e c u rre n t an aly tical sch em e m ay b e m o re difficult. This does n o t im ply th a t th e p e rip h e ry sh o u ld be p e rc e iv e d as a n u n d iffe re n tia te d , m o n o lith ic entity. It does en tail, how ever, th a t w e n o t su rv ey c o re /p e rip h e ry re la tio n s h ip s b etw ee n R om e a n d o th e r societies th a t escap ed fro m R om an do m ination. One m ay th in k of th e econom ic relatio n s b etw een th e R om an E m p ire a n d In d ia, w h ic h re su lte d in a n outflow of g o ld a n d silv er coins in ex­ ch an g e for spices, perfum es, fem ale slaves a n d o th e r highly valuable goods (S ch m itth e n n e r 1979 , Young 2001: 28 ff.)1. In th is survey, ho w ­ ever, w e w ill explore asp ects of in teg ratio n of th e p e rip h e ry within th e R om an E m pire.

By A.D. 117, w h en th e R om an E m p ire h ad re a c h e d its larg est di­ m ension, th e e n tire M e d ite rra n e a n b a sin a n d a la rg e p a r t of n o rth ­ w e stern a n d c e n tra l E u ro p e w as u n d e r R om an sway. A vast n u m b e r of cu ltu rally d istin ct p eoples a n d trib es w e re th u s p o litically unified. F ro m th e B ritish Iceni an d th e city-dw ellers of A lexandria in E gypt to th e sem i-nom adic M usulam ii in N o rth Africa, they all sh a re d th e co m ­ m on situ atio n of su bjection to Rome.

The e m p ire ’s extent a n d stru c tu re , as w ell as th e c h a ra c te r of im ­ p e ria l p o licy c h a n g e d p ro fo u n d ly o v er th e co u rse of th e cen tu ries. D uring th e R epublic (509 - 27 B.C.), th e R om an S en ate chiefly p u r ­ sued a h egem onic em pire. E specially since th e p u b licatio n of H a rris ’ arg u m e n t th a t stressed th e im p o rtan ce of p erso n al a n d collective eco­ no m ic gain, th e old vision, as e la b o ra te d fo r in sta n c e by F ran k a n d Veyne, th a t R om an im p eria lism w as m ainly o r even solely driv en by defensive m otives, p o w ered by a n (irratio n al) fear of p o te n tial rivals, h as yielded (H arris 1979 , F ran k 1914 , Veyne 1975). To explain Ro­ m a n expansionism , p rim a ry em p hasis h as b een laid on th e co m p eti­ tio n am ong th e R om an elite in th e acc u m u la tio n of m ilitary fam e a n d th e econom ic reso urces th a t w ere necessary to m a in tain extensive cli­ en t netw o rks a n d a high level of p restig io u s pu b lic expenses (M illett 1990: 3). B u t a t th e sa m e tim e, th e R o m an S e n a te fre q u e n tly r e ­ stra in e d fro m an n ex a tio n a n d th e exercise of d ire c t c o n tro l (B adian

1968: 29-44). A larg e n u m b e r of co m m un ities w ere tied to R om an im ­

1 E g y p tia n h a r b o r s a lo n g th e R e d S e a c o a s t p la y e d a n i m p o r t a n t r o l e i n th is m a r i ti m e tr a - d e . T h is is a tte s te d b y in s c r ip tio n s i n P r a k r i t a n d O ld Tam il i n Q u se ir, w h i c h p o in t t o th e p r e s e n ­ c e o f I n d i a n m e r c h a n t s . R ic h a r d S a lo m o n . 1 991. “E p ig r a p h i c R e m a in s o f I n d i a n T ra d e r s in E g y p t." J ournal o f the A m erican O riental Society 111(4): 7 3 1 -6

p e ria l policy by d elib erated o r en fo rced allian ces (civitates foederatae). T h ere w as no s ta n d in g a rm y u n til th e e n d of th e first c e n tu ry B.C. (G illiver 2005). U ntil w ell into th e first cen tu ry A.D., th e R om ans fre ­ qu ently re so rte d to in d ire c t m odes of co n tro l, like th e in stallatio n of client states (L uttw ak 1976: 20-40, 49). F ro m a financial p o in t of view, su ch strateg ies g reatly d im in ish ed th e costs of em pire. They also r e ­ d u c ed th e th re a ts in c o rp o ra te d in th e a ssig n m e n t of m ilitary p o w e r a n d eco n om ic reso u rces to R om an p ro v in cial governors. In creasin g so cial d isco n ten t in Rom e a n d in th e Italian countryside, a n d th e es­ ta b lish m e n t of a stro n g relatio n sh ip betw een th e g en erals in th e p ro v ­ inces a n d th e ir arm ies - th e la tte r h u n g ry for big rew ard s w h en duty w as finished, th e fo rm er for p o litical p o w er - led to th e loss of co n tro l of th e ever-expanding em p ire a n d its m ilitary force by th e tra d itio n a l­ ist senate. D uring th e freq u en t civil w ars of th e last cen tu ry of th e R e­ public, p o litical instability th re a te n e d th e very survival of th e em pire.

The ru le of th e ev entual v ic to r of th o se civil w ars a n d R om e’s first em peror, O ctavianus A ugustus, w as cru c ia l for in te rn a l stab ilizatio n a n d th e in teg ratio n of th e provinces. As M acM ullen stated: “N ever (...) w as th e re g re a te r p ro g ress m ad e to w a rd one single w ay of life, a thing to b e fairly called ‘R om an civilization of th e E m p ire ’, th a n in th a t life­ tim e of A ugustus” (2000: x). This dev elo p m en t m ay have com e to its apogee d u rin g th e first decades of th e th ird century, w ith th e gran t, by C aracalla, of full R om an citizen sh ip (cf. infra) to all rem a in in g free fo reig ners a n d sem i-R om ans w ith in th e em p ire2. By th en , th e em p ire h a d b e c o m e a te r r ito r ia l s ta te w ith cle a rly d e m a rc a te d fro n tie rs, g u a rd e d by m ilitary g arriso n s a n d an in fra stru c tu re p ro viding a p e r ­ m a n e n t p h y sical p e rim e te r defence. The old system of clien t states w as ab o lish ed (L uttw ak 1976: 57-60, 75, 111-7). However, sin ce th e d eath of T rajanus (A.D. 117), th e acc u m u la tio n of em p ire w as alm ost exclusively q u alitativ ely defined, as th e em p ero rs w e re in creasin g ly engaged w ith defending th e em p ire ra th e r th a n extending it.

Ancient sources and early scholarship

2 T h is w a s o r d e r e d b y th e fa m o u s C o n s titu tio A n to n in ia n a (A.D. 2 1 2 ). F o r a n e x te n s iv e c o m - m e n t a r y o n t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e e d ic t, cf. A d r ia n N ic h o la s S h e rw in -W h ite . 1 9 7 3 . The R o m a n citizenship. 2 d . e d . O x fo rd : C la r e n d o n P re ss : 3 8 0 -9 4 . A le x a n d e r M la so w sk y . 1 9 9 7 . “C o n s titu tio A n t o n in ia n a ,” l n D e r N e u e Pauly. E n zyklopädie der A n tike , H . C a n c ik a n d H . S c h n e id e r (ed s.). S tu ttg a rt: V e rla g J.B . M e tz le r: 147-8. A n c ie n t s o u r c e s i n th is p a p e r a r e a b b r e ­ v ia te d a c c o r d in g t o C a rl A n d e r s e n , K la u s B a rte ls , a n d L u d w ig H u b e r (ed s.). 1 965. L exiko n der alten Welt. Z ü ric h : A rte m is V e rla g , 3 4 3 5 -6 4 .

ASPECTS OF TH E INTEGRATION OF THE PERIPHERY IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE

The ap p licatio n of a co re/p erip h ery m odel to explain in terso cietal relation s a n d developm ents in th e R om an E m p ire is stim u lated by th e n a tu re of th e literary sources. A ncient h isto rian s su ch as Tacitus an d S u eto n iu s w e re in clin ed to p ro v id e a h isto ry th a t w as b o th p a trio tic a n d R om ano-centric. M oreover, th e re w as a ten d en cy in h isto rio g ra­ p h y to cen tre on ex p lan ato ry schem es th a t stressed th e ro le of th e in ­ dividual a n d m orality. H ence th e m ain focus w as laid on th e em p ero r a n d th e in trig u es am o ng th e se n a to ria l a n d e q u e stria n elites (Cizek 1995: 9-10, 22-3). F ro m th e se p ersp ectiv es, a n im p e ria l d isc o u rse a ro se th a t d id n o t q u estio n th e p o litic al a n d relig io u s leg itim acy of R om an ru le a n d d o m in atio n 3. These ch ara cteristics of R om an literary so u rces c o m p licate th e iden tificatio n of th e in itia to rs of conflict a n d th e reco n stru ctio n of th e (real) m otives of b o th co n qu ero rs a n d rebels. B u t a rc h a e o lo g ic a l re m a in s a n d in sc rip tio n s on d u ra b le m a te ria ls m ay rev ea l events a n d d e v elo p m en ts w h ich , ap p aren tly , w e re p e r ­ ceived by th e a n c ie n t h isto ria n s as insufficiently relevant, im p o rta n t o r accep tab le to b e in c o rp o ra te d in th e ir w orks. S u ch item s m ay in ­ clude epig raph ically attested dedicatio ns by R om an soldiers to a god o r th e e m p e ro r’s genius, o r th e arch a eo lo g ical discovery of destruct- ed cam p s o r tow ns.

An analysis of th e relatio n s R om e m a in tain ed w ith p ro v in cial soci­ eties w h ich w ere n o t accu sto m ed to th e ep ig ra p h ic h ab it o r w ho left little arch aeo lo g ical traces, heavily dep en ds on a very on e-sid ed tr a ­ d ition d o m in ated by Rome. This is certain ly th e case for m any p a s to ­ ra l n o m ad ic societies (C ribb 1991: 65 ff.). However, a n cien t n o m ads p ro vide an o p p o rtu n ity for arch aeo lo g y if th e context of th e sites co n ­ trib u te d to p reserv atio n of th e artefacts. In th e ro u g h a n d a rid Negev, rem a in s of p a sto ra l no m ad ic sites, still lying on th e surface, have been d ated to th e Late R om an perio d. However, th e m a teria l reco rd is very often lim ited to sh a rd s of pottery, sto n es revealing th e g ro u n d s tru c ­ tu re s of tents, a n d ro ck a rt a n d in scrip tio n s of w h ich th e m ean in g is often uneasy to g rasp (R osen 1993, A nati 1999).

A m ajo rity of th e R om an literary so u rces p re s e n t a positive im age of th e c h a ra c te r a n d m otivations of R om an im perialism . O thers seem to stress w h a t they perceived as th e advan tag es of su b ju g atio n to th e c o n q u ere d barbarians. At th e e n d of th e R epublic, C icero defines R o­ m an im p erial ru le as a k ind of p atro n a g e, realised by th e co n tin uo u s effort to defend R om e a n d h e r allies: “th e se n a te w as a hav en of ref­

u g e fo r kings, trib es, a n d n atio n s; a n d th e h ig h e st a m b itio n of o u r m ag istrates a n d g en erals w as to defend o u r pro v in ces a n d allies w ith ju stice a n d honour. And so o u r g o v ern m en t could be called m o re a c ­

cu rately a p ro te c to ra te of th e w o rld th a n a d o m inion” (Cic. off. II, 26- 7)4. In th e first cen tu ry A.D., Plinius M aior en u m erates th e sacred im ­ p e ria l d u ties of th e R om ans, w ho w e re ch osen by th e p ro v id en c e of th e gods to c a re fo r th e p o litical u n ification of all sc a tte re d em pires, th e sp re a d of L atin as a n u n iv ersal to n g u e a n d th e civilisation of th e su b d u e d (Plin. n at. I ll, 39). A few d ecad es later, Tacitus w ro te a fa­ vo u rab le d escrip tio n of th e p acificatio n policy of A gricola, his father- in-law, in B ritain: “The w in te r w h ich follow ed w as sp en t in th e p ro s ­ ecu tio n of so u n d m easures. In o rd e r th a t a p o p u la tio n sc a tte re d an d uncivilised, a n d p ro p o rtio n ately ready for w ar, m ight be h ab itu ated by co m fo rt to p eac e a n d quiet, he w ou ld exhort individuals, assist co m ­ m unities, to ere c t tem ples, m ark e tp la ces5, houses: he p ra ise d th e e n ­ erg etic, re b u k e d th e in d o len t, a n d th e riv alry fo r his co m p lim en ts took th e p la ce of co ercio n ” (Tac. Agr. 2 1)6. The su b ju g ated trib es w ere th u s encouraged, a n d su p p o rted , to crea te a R om an-like social setting of pu b lic a n d p riv ate life, to a cq u ire sim ilar institu tio n s a n d featu res of u rb an isatio n . The indigenous elites w ere stim u lated to co m p ete in su c h in v estm en ts. In th e sa m e frag m en t, Tacitus also m e n tio n s th e ad o p tio n of L atin a n d th e R om an toga, a n d th e efforts th a t w ere ta k ­ en to p ro v id e R o m an ed u ca tio n fo r th e sons of nativ e chiefs. These m easures to b rin g civilisation o r humanitas to th e b a rb a ria n s w ere ta k ­ en to soften th e state of subjugation, n o t to fulfil som e k ind of exalted service o r plight. H e concludes: “The sim ple natives gave th e n am e of “c u ltu re ” to th is facto r of th e ir slav ery ” (Tac. Agr. 2 1)7.

E arly h isto rian s of th e m o d e rn perio d , like M om m sen a n d H aver- field, su p p o rte d a view of th e R om ans as conscious agents of civiliza­ tio n in th e provinces. T heir w orks reflect th e influence of c o n te m p o ­ ra ry n atio n alist a n d im p erial ideology. The cau se a n d (some) tra its of R om an im p erialism w ere identified w ith th a t of its m o d e rn E u ro p ea n co u n te rp a rt, a n d view s on th e la tte r also in fluenced th e re c o n s tru c ­

4 T ra n s la tio n : M a rc u s T u lliu s C ic e ro . D e officiis. T ra n sl. b y W a lte r M iller. 1913. L o e b c la ssi- c a l lib ra ry . C a m b r id g e (M a ss.), L o n d o n : H a r v a r d U n iv e rs ity P re s s , H e in e m a n n : 195.

5 F o r a a r e m e a n t h e r e (cf. in fra ).

6 T ra n s la tio n : P u b liu s C o r n e liu s T a c itu s. A g rico la . T ra n s l. b y M a u r ic e H u tto n . 1970. T h e L o e b c la s s ic a l lib ra ry . C a m b r id g e (M a ss.), L o n d o n : H a r v a r d U n iv e rs ity P re ss , H e in e m a n n : 67.

ASPECTS OF TH E INTEGRATION OF TH E PERIPHERY IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE

tio n of th e fo rm e r8. M om m sen, for instance, p erceiv ed th e unification of Italy by th e R om ans as a m odel for th e fusion of th e G erm an states in his ow n tim e (F reem a n 1997: 30, 34). The so cio -cu ltu ral develop­ m ents in c o rp o ra te d into th e p ro cess of Romanization w ere seen as u n i­ d irec tio n a l p h en o m en a: th e con q uered, cultu rally b a c k w a rd a n d u n ­ civilised b a rb a ria n s of th e w est w e re en co u ra g ed to a d o p t th e su p e ri­ o r R om an civilization. F or in dig eno u s societies, in te g ra tio n into th e R om an E m p ire involved th e m aking of p ro g ress. However, th e devel­ o p m e n t of a ho m o geno u s R om an c u ltu re m ay have b een ch allen g ed by th e existence of local v aria tio n s in som e p a rts of th e em pire. B ut acco rding to Haverfield, this diversity, for in stan ce in th e sp h ere of re ­ ligion, sh o u ld n o t b e p e rce iv e d in te rm s of resistan ce: “S om e of th e native cults seem to have survived m o re vigorously in th e co n sciou s­ ness of th e w o rsh ip p ers th a n th e others; th e one th in g in w h ich they a g re e is th a t th e R o m an a n d th e n ativ e a re n o t h o stile ” (1915: 21). And even to th o se indigenous segm ents w h ich p reserv ed tra its of pre- R om an culture, th e p ro g ressio n of th e new asp ects of tru e civilization could no t b e neglected. Yet p ro g ress w as a developm ent th a t w as least p erce iv ed am o n g th e ru stic poor, w h e re “su p erstitio n s, sen tim en ts, even la n g u ag e a n d th e co nscio u sn ess of nationality, lin g er d o rm a n t ( ...)” (H averfield 1915: 22). This d ev elo p m en t w as seen as p a r t of a d e lib e ra te R o m an policy, th o u g h n o t im p o sed by fo rce (H averfield 1915: 14, 76 ).

The tra d itio n a l in te rp re ta tio n of th e R om an izatio n of th e in d ig e­ n o us p o p u la tio n led to th e ex p lo ra tio n of a d o p te d R o m an tra its as cru c ia l asp ects of th e social, c u ltu ra l a n d p o litical in teg ratio n of th e periphery. C ultural influence w as for instan ce m easu red by th e sp read of L atin a n d of R o m an m odes of e n te rta in m e n t, a n d by th e a c c e p t­ an ce of th e R om an p an th eo n , w h ich w as m ark e d by th e co n stru ctio n of tem ples d ed icated to R om an divinities. The ap p e a ra n c e of fora, cu­

riae an d basilicae m a rk e d th e ad o p tio n of R om an p o litical institutions,

a n d to g e th e r w ith th e a tre s a n d am p h ith ea tres, th ey ch an g ed th e se t­

8 F o r in s ta n c e , i n t h e w o r k o f C a g n a t o n t h e R o m a n a r m y o f N o r t h A fric a , t h e in f lu e n c e o f c o n te m p o r a r y c o lo n ia lis m is a p p a r e n t f ro m th e o u ts e t, a s t h e a u t h o r d e d ic a te d h is w o r k t o th e F r e n c h a r m ie s t h a t s e rv e d i n th e N o r t h A fric a n c o lo n ie s ... T h e a n n o u n c e m e n t o f t h e d e d ic a tio n w a s fo llo w e d b y t h e w o r d s o f R u tiliu s N a m a tia n u s a d d r e s s e d t o R o m e : “P ro f u it in iu s tis t e d o m i­ n a n t e c a p i ”. R u t. N a m . 64. T ra n s la te d i n E n g lis h : “u n d e r y o u r d o m in io n s u b ju g a tio n h a s b e e n a d v a n ta g e o u s t o th o s e w ith o u t la w ”. R e n é C a g n a t. 1912. L ’A rm ée rom aine d ’A frique et l ’occupation m ilitaire de l ’A frique sous les empereurs. P a ris: L e ro u x : v.

ting of social life9. In its totality, th e en tire pro cess of u rb an isatio n w as a n d still is p e rce iv ed as a h a llm a rk of R o m an ized societies (Revell 2009: 36-79). U ntil th e th ird cen tu ry A.D., th e h ab it to set u p (Latin) in scrip tio n s s p re a d as a so cio -cu ltu ral novelty in m an y regions of th e w est. These tituli publically co m m em o rated th e lives of th e deceased, p o litical o r m ilitary achievem ents, gifts to com m u nities, dedicatio n s to th e gods, im p erial a n d m u nicip al law s an d so on (M acM ullen 1982: 238).

S u ch c u ltu ra l acq u isitio n s to o k p la c e alo n g sid e th e ad o p tio n of R om an so cial stratificatio n s. A m a jo r to o l th a t m a rk e d a n d e n c o u r­ aged social a n d po litical in teg ratio n w as th e g ra n t of R om an citizen ­ sh ip 10. Peregrini o r fo reig n ers could a cq u ire e ith e r red u ce d o r full citi­ zenship on an individual o r collective basis. The g ra n t of full R om an citizenship o r ius civile co m p rised a larg e n u m b e r of rights, for exam ­ ple th e rig h t to c o n tra c t legal m a rriag es a n d to m ake valid co n tra cts a n d tra n sa c tio n s, th e rig h t to c h an g e o n e ’s d o m icile a t w ill a n d th e rig h t to vote in th e p e o p le ’s co u n cil in Rome. In d ig en o u s c o m m u n i­ ties w ith in th e p e rip h e ry w e re freq u en tly given re d u c e d citizenship, o r ius Latii, a n d m issed som e of th e rights possessed by full R om an cit­ izens. In th e p ro v in ces, th e a c q u ire m e n t of R o m an citize n sh ip e n ­ h a n ce d individual a n d co m m u n al p restig e a n d status. Full citizenship w as g ra n te d to individuals by p e rso n a l m e rit a n d to d isch arg e d auxil-

iarii, so ld iers of th e fo re ig n e rs ’ arm y, w h e n th ey h a d en d ed th e r e ­

q u ired twenty-five years of service. In p ro vincial m u n icipalities w hich h a d o b tain ed L atin citizenship, full citizenship could also b e received by th e exercise of th e local m agistracies. H ad rian u s d ecreed th a t decu-

riones, o r m em b ers of th e curia o r to w n council, could also o b tain R o­

m a n citizen sh ip by a g ra n t of th e so -called Latium maius 11. F o rm al m an u m issio n allow ed p riv ate slaves to jo in th e co m m u n ity of citizens (W iedem ann 1985: 162).

As th e re g u la r a rm y of leg io n aries w as co m p o sed only of R om an citizens, th is in clu siv en ess w as o n e im p o rta n t stra te g y th a t d is tin ­ g u ish ed R o m an em p ire-b u ild in g fro m th a t of th e G reek city-states. The R om an S en ate a n d E m p e ro r could rely on a citizen body in c re a s­ ing in n u m b e r to supply th e m ilitary needs of an expanding em pire.

9 A f o r u m w a s a n i m p o r t a n t g a th e r in g p la c e w i t h g r e a t s o c ia l s ig n ific a n c e . T h e c u r i a w a s t h e b u ild in g i n w h ic h th e lo c a l to w n c o u n c il h e ld a s se m b lie s ; i n R o m e , th is w a s th e m e e tin g p l a ­ c e o f t h e s e n a te . I n th e b a s ilic a , th e m a g is tr a te s h e ld c o u rt.

10 O n R o m a n c itiz e n s h ip , cf. A d r ia n (N .) S h e r w in -W h ite . The R o m a n citizenship. 2 n d e d . O x fo rd : C la r e n d o n P re s s .

ASPECTS OF TH E INTEGRATION OF TH E PERIPHERY IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE

Post-modernist perspectives

S ince th e seventies, scho larly a tten tio n h as d rifted aw ay fro m th e sim p listic p e rc e p tio n of R o m a n izatio n as a u n id ire c tio n a l p ro cess. W hile th e m o d ern colonial persp ectiv e co n trib u ted to th e denial, o r a t least th e neglect of th e role of indigenous acto rs in th e in teg ratio n of th e periph ery , em p h asis h as in c re asin g ly b e e n laid on th e d is c e rn ­ m e n t of positive a n d negative indigenous agency in p a tte rn s of social, cu ltu ral a n d political in teg ratio n (T hebert 1978: 71, 76-7, D ecret et al. 1981: 319, M illett 1990: 80-3, M acM ullen 2000: 137). D escriptions of th e c h a ra c te r a n d con seq u en ces of R om an im p erialism te n d ed to be less ro m a n tic iz e d . R o m an im p e ria l policy a n d ideology w e re now m o re often c h a ra c te riz e d in negative term s. A clear exam ple of th is is th e clear-cu t negative te n o r C h o uq uer atta c h e d to his tre a tise on th e ro le R om an th e a tre s an d am p h ith e a tre s p lay ed in th e sp re a d a n d le­ g itim izatio n of R o m an d o m in an ce, so cial o rd e r a n d c u ltu re (1985). D em an’s survey of th e ro le of R om an exp loitatio n in th e c re a tio n of d iv erg en t p a tte rn s of econ o m ic (u n d er)d ev elo p m en t b etw een differ­ en t zones of th e em p ire belongs to th e sam e ten d en cy in m o d e rn h is­ to rio grap h y . D em an even p o in te d to th e responsibility of th e R om ans fo r th e h isto ric a l u n d e rd e v e lo p m e n t of c o n te m p o ra ry N o rth A frica (1968 , 1975: 82-3). N ativist sch o lars of th e post-colonial era have also v en tu re d to survey indigenous n egotiation co n cern in g th e ad o p tio n of R o m an cu ltu re. F or in stan ce, w ith re g a rd to c u ltu ra l in te g ra tio n in N o rth Africa, B en ab o u a rg u ed th a t R om an divinities w ere only ad o p t­ ed b e c a u se th e y c o u ld b e id en tified w ith existing in d ig en o u s cults (1976: 379-80). So th e p o p u la rity of S a tu rn u s w as b a se d on th e fact th a t th e god could b e identified w ith th e P unic deity B aal H am m on. Fundam entally, th e R om an deities th a t w ere accep ted u n d erw en t p r o ­ found ad a p tatio n s to A frican n eeds (B en abo u 1976: 370-5). Likewise, th e p e rs is te n c e of p re -R o m a n la n g u ag es a n d n am es h as b e e n p e r ­ ceived as a sign of c u ltu ra l c o n tin u ity w ith th e p a s t (B en ab o u 1982: 21-4). The study of m o re ra d ic al expressions o r types of resistan ce has ch allen ged th e p erce p tio n th a t p e ac e a n d order, pax Romana, m ark e d th e R om an E m p ire sin ce th e reig n of A ugustus (Dyson 1971 , Dyson

1975 , P ekary 1987).

M ost recently, it has b een arg u ed th a t m any h isto rian s a n d a rc h a e ­ ologists of th e early p o st-colonial e ra failed to su cceed in th e ab olish ­ m e n t of th e co lo n ial p e rsp e c tiv e . Van D o m m elen stated : “T he in ­ creased atten tio n to th e indigenous in [ancient] colonial situations has how ev er only rein fo rc e d th e d u alistic n a tu re of co lo n ial re p re s e n ta ­

tio n s ” (1997: 308). As th ey c o n tin u e d to m e a su re a n d ev alu ate Ro- m an-ness a n d native-ness in th ese p e rip h e ra l societies, “seeing life in th e R om an E m p ire only th ro u g h th e d ialectic of colonized a n d colo­ n iz e r ”, th e c o lo n ia l d ic h o to m y w as n o t o v erco m e ( B e rre n d o n n e r 2003: 46, q u o te d in Q u in n 2003: 2 9)12. C u ltu re w as still re d u c e d to ethnicity. As a re su lt of su ch co n sid eratio n s, R o m an izatio n as a c o n ­ c ep t has b een p erceiv ed as rep resen tin g a n d en co u rag in g th e d ualist o r b in a ry m o d e of analysis in w h ich tw o d istin c t b u t in te rn a lly h o ­ m ogenous cu ltu res a re op p o sed to one another. E specially in th e An- g lo -S ax o n w o rld , a n n o y a n c e w ith the R-word ev en tu ally even m ad e sch o lars d e n u n c ia te th e te rm itself in fav o u r of o th e r te rm s a n d ex- p lanative theories derived from anthropology, linguistics a n d sociology (M erryw eather an d Prag 2003)13. For instance, van D om m elen p ro m o t­ ed th e u se of th e co n c e p t of hybridization to d escrib e th e in te g ra tio n p rocess, w hile W ebster su gg ested th e n o tio n of creolization (van D om ­ m elen 1997, W ebster 2001).

B eing o ne of th e critics, G reg Woolf p ro p o se d a n innovative in te ­ g ra tio n m odel b ased on th e genesis of a new im p erial cu ltu re, w h ich w as in tern ally diversified by aspects of region, class, gender, etc. M od­ ern sch o lars now face th e challenge of exam ining th is differentiation, an d of studying th e diverse m odes of neg o tiatio n on social a n d cu ltu r­ al influences fro m th e co re (Woolf 1997). The m odel advocates a n a p ­ p r o a c h th a t surveys th e sym biosis of featu res th a t b o th unified an d s e p a ra te d th e n u m e ro u s societies th a t to g e th e r fo rm ed th e R o m an E m p ire. It allow s for th e p e rc e p tio n of b ein g R o m an as a n id en tity th a t m ay have b een experienced very differently th ro u g h o u t th e

prov-12 S p e c ific R o m a n f e a tu re s t h a t h a v e b e e n s e a r c h e d fo r a n d m e a s u r e d i n p e r i p h e r a l c o n te - x ts a r e , a m o n g s t o th e r s , u r b a n i z a t i o n a n d a p a r t i c u l a r ty p e o f m o n u m e n ta l u r b a n la n d s c a p e , th e v illa , e p ig ra p h y , t h e L a tin to n g u e , th e sla v e m o d e o f p r o d u c tio n , a s p e c ific w a y o f life , c h a r a c t e ­ r i z e d b y v is itin g a m p h i t h e a t r e s a n d b a th s , o r a c o m b in a tio n o f m u ltip le in d ic a to r s . C la r a B e r ­ r e n d o n n e r . 2 0 0 3 . “L a r o m a n is a tio n d e V o lte rra : ‘a case o f m ostly negotiated incorporation, that leaves the basic social and cultural structure in ta ct?' (N . T e rr e n a to , i n I ta ly a n d t h e W est, O x fo rd , 2 0 0 1 ) ,” D igressus S u p p l. 1: 46 -7 .

13 H o w e v e r, s c h o la r s h a v e a ls o p le a d e d t o k e e p t h e c o n c e p t o f R o m a n iz a tio n , a n d th e R o- m e - c e n tr e d a p p r o a c h it m a y e n ta il, b e c a u s e o f t h e f e a r o f d e p r e c i a t i n g t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f th e c e n t r e b y c e n tr in g to o m u c h o n th e p e r i p h e r y i n th e s tu d y o f in te g r a t io n p r o c e s s e s . P a tr ic k L e R o u x . 2 0 0 4 . “L a r o m a n i s a t i o n e n q u e s tio n ,” A nnales: histoire, sciences sociales 59(2): 3 0 9 -1 1 . As a d v o c a te s o f t h e c o n c e p t's p r e s e r v a tio n , K e a y a n d T e rr e n a to a r g u e d i n f a v o u r o f a r e d e f in itio n o f th e t e r m so “it c a n b e u s e d s im p ly a s a c o n v e n ie n t la b e l t h a t r e f e r s lo o s e ly to e v e n ts in v o lv e d i n t h e c r e a t i o n o f a n e w a n d u n ifie d p o litic a l e n tity , a lth o u g h it s h o u ld n o t b e u s e d t o d e s c rib e th e o c c u r r e n c e o r d i r e c tio n o f a c c u l t u r a t i o n b e tw e e n R o m a n s a n d n o n - R o m a n s .” S im o n K e a y a n d N ic o la T e rre n a to . 2 0 0 1 . “P re fa c e ,” I n Ita ly and the West. C om parative issues in Rom anization. S i­ m o n K e a y a n d N ic o la T e rr e n a to (ed s.). O x fo rd : O x b o w B o o k s: ix.

ASPECTS OF THE INTEGRATION OF TH E PERIPHERY IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE

inces. Thus R om an c u ltu re w as a c u ltu re “sh a re d by a w idely sp read g ro u p of go verning elites, b u t one th a t w as alw ays, a n d everyw here, v u ln e ra b le to a lte rn a tiv e re a d in g s ” (H ingley 2005: 71). As a co n se­ q u en ce of differences in p re-co n q u est cu ltu re, ad m in istrativ e categ o ­ ry, geography, m o m en t of co n q u est a n d th e specific “h isto rical tra je c ­ to ries of ind iv id u al c o m m u n itie s”, v ario u s in te rp re ta tio n s of R om an identity have b een observed in different p a rts of th e p e rip h e ry (Revell 2009: 192-3). S u ch d issim ila r ex p erien ces of R o m an -n ess have n o t m erely been p erceiv ed between in div id ual co m m u nities. The assu m p ­ tio n of a R om an identity - extern alized by su ch ad o p ted p ractices like th e erectio n of in scriptions, th e socially reg u la ted use of u rb a n space, a n d th e a c c e p ta n c e of m u n ic ip a l m a g istra c ie s - b e c a m e a to o l of stru c tu rin g social h ie ra rch y in local society. Revell stu d ied p a tte rn s of d isc re p a n t R om an identities in B ritain a n d S p ain a n d concluded:

The c u ltu ra l changes in th e provinces follow ing th e ir co n q u est a n d in c o rp o ­ ra tio n into th e a d m in istrativ e s tru c tu re s of th e em p ire w e n t beyond th e changes in eth n ic identity. It also en co m p asse d n ew w ays of expressing o th e r aspects of id e n tity w ith in th e lo cal society. S o c ia l ra n k o r sta tu s w as u n d e rs to o d in new ways: expressed th ro u g h w ealth a n d p o litical privilege ra th e r th a n , fo r exam ple, w a rrio r lea d e rsh ip . T hese ch an g es s p re a d bey o n d th e elite them selves, a n d ex­ te n d e d to aspects of identity aro u n d axes of elite/non-elite, free/un-free, m ale/fe­ m ale, adult/child. The stru ctu res of u rb a n ism an d religion, fo r exam ple, w hich w e have a lread y seen fo rm in g p a r t of a sh a re d eth n ic identity, also b ecam e w ays in w h ich ideas of social ra n k w ere expressed. Age an d gender, fo r exam ple, revolved a ro u n d ideas of citizen sh ip of th e tow n: eligibility to p a rtic ip a te in th e ru n n in g of th e tow n, su ch as th e a n n u a l electio n of th e m ag istrates, b e cam e o n e w ay of d istinguishing b etw e en m e n a n d w om en, a n d sim ilarly of m a rk in g th e tra n sitio n fro m ad o lescen ce to ad ulthood. In tu rn , th e se aspects of p e rso n a l identity w ere n eg o tiated th ro u g h th e p olitical spaces of th e tow n, an d th e pu b lic cerem onies of voting, fo r exam ple, w h ich w ere e n sh rin e d in th e to w n c h a rte rs (2009: 150-1).

The R o m an th e a tre m ay illu s tra te how R o m an u rb a n stru c tu re s cou ld express so cial hierarchy. S tric t law s w e re p a sse d c o n ce rn in g th e d istrib u tio n of seats acc o rd in g to social class. Also, th e use of e n ­ tra n c e s a n d stairw ays w as reg u lated acco rd in g to status. L arge fines w ere stip u lated for th o se w ho b re a c h e d th ese laws, w h ich clearly en ­ visaged th e expression of social order. Thus every p erfo rm a n ce a t th e th e atre im plied th e symbolic affirm ation of th e existing social hierarchy. E lite identity w as also expressed at th e am p h ith ea tre. For th e w ealthy freed m en w ho w e re b a rre d fro m p o litic al office, th e o rg an isatio n of expensive gam es w as an im p o rta n t m ean s to co m p en sate for th e lack of social statu s th a t cam e w ith low d escen t (Revell 2009: 168-9).

The p o p u la rity of R om an tools th a t s tru c tu re a n d confirm local so ­ cial h ie ra rc h y can b e co n n ected w ith a n u m b e r of m otives th a t stim ­ u la ted positive indigenous agency in th e in teg ratio n p ro cess (H ingley 2005: 70). In th o se regions w h ere it o ccu rred , th e benevolence of n a ­ tive elites th a t w as derived fro m su ch co n sid era tio n s w o uld have fa­ c ilitated th e acc ep ta tio n of R om an im p erial ru le a n d cu ltu re. It m ay b e tru e th a t in teg ratio n m odels have focussed too m u ch atten tio n on th e a ris to c ra tic se c tio n of p e rip h e ra l society, cau sin g p ro b le m s to arise w h en ad d ressin g th e qu estio n of th e in teg ratio n of th e sub-elites (Alcock 2001, H ingley 2005: 91-3, 118). The focus on th e elites m ay le ad to co n c e rn s a b o u t th e c re a tio n of a m od el of c u ltu ra l diffusion th a t su p p o se s (an d resu lts in) a n o p p o sitio n b etw ee n elite a n d su b ­ elite. The fact th a t m ajo r b uildings of p u b lic utility a n d a m ajo rity of th e literary so urces a n d in scrip tio n s w ere o rd e re d o r p ro d u c e d by th e elite, has e n c o u ra g e d th is situ a tio n (M erry w e ath er a n d P rag 2003: 10). The local non-elites lacked financial reso u rces to acq u ire m any of th o se expensive m a te ria l expressions of R om an identity. B u t a c c o rd ­ ing to Revell, p u b lic in sc rip tio n s a n d scu lp tu re s w e re e re c te d to be seen a n d in te rp re te d by less p o w erfu l g ro u p s as w ell, a n d th u s also p la y ed a ro le in th e c re a tio n of th e ir so cial id e n tities (2009: 152-4, 192). It has also b een a rg u ed th a t a sim ilar a lte ra tio n of social re p re ­ se n ta tio n s of th e less p o w erfu l g ro u p s co u ld b e tra c e d th ro u g h “th e analysis of stylistic v ariability in everyday a rte fa c ts”, su ch as ceram ic vessels (R oth 2003: 41).

W ithin th e larg e a n d in tern ally h eterog en eo us periphery, th e id en ­ tificatio n w ith R o m an d o m in a n t p o w e r often fo rm ed a n im p o rta n t m eans to accu m u la te a n d express social statu s after th e in itial p h ases of su b jug atio n . Was A gricola’s w o rk in B ritain , d escrib e d by Tacitus (cf. sup ra), a n d ind eed th a t of his n u m ero u s colleagues, p a r t of a d e­ lib erate R om an strateg y to stim u late th e in clu sio n of th e indigenous (elites) w ith in th e im p e ria l system , a n d to s p re a d R o m an c u ltu re acro ss th e em pire? A n other c le a r exam ple of su ch a strateg y m ay be th e o rg an iz atio n of th e e m p e ro r cults in th e p rovinces. As b o th m en

(seviri Augustales andflamines Augustorum) a n d w o m en (flaminicae Augus- torum) of th e local elites served as priests, th e cult assu red th e m a in te ­

n an ce of co h ere n ce in th e em p ire w hile it also resp o n d ed to elite a s ­ p iratio n s to acc u m u la te local statu s th ro u g h affiliation w ith im p erial in stitu tio n s. However, som e sch o lars have re la te d th a t th e im m en se so cio -cultu ral im p act of su ch R om an policies w as n e ith e r d elib erate­ ly p la n n e d n o r foreseen. M acM ullen, for instan ce, m inim ized Tacitus’ p assag e on A gricola’s m e asu res in B ritain as a so u rce th a t suggested such a conscious policy. Instead, he stressed th e sin gularity of Tacitus’

ASPECTS OF THE INTEGRATION OF TH E PERIPHERY IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE

a c c o u n t a n d identifies th e un d erly in g m otiv atio n of A gricola’s w o rk a n d th a t of his colleagues w ith th e in ten tio n to facilitate th e en fo rce­ m e n t of pow er, w ith an interest only in making their job easier (2000: 135- 6)14 . N evertheless, em p h asis h as b een laid on th e ro le of th e R om an city as “a c u ltu ra l in stru m e n t of im p e ria lism ” w h e re p ro p a g a n d istic ico n o g rap h y (scu lp tu res, p o rtra its) celeb rate d R om an im p erial rule. Indeed, in m any a R om an th e atre, th e h ie rarch ically s tru c tu re d m ass of sp e cta to rs w as looked u p o n by a statu e of th e em p e ro r p o sitio n ed above th e stage (W hittaker 1997).

The p ro m o tio n to R om an citizenship p rov id ed o pp o rtu n ities to ful­ fil even h ig h e r am b ition s above th e local level. P rovincial R om an cit­ izens of free b u t non-R o m an descent, w ho m et th e p ro p e rty re q u ire ­ m en ts of th e eq u estrian order, could a tta in high p o sitio n s in th e arm y a n d in p ro v in cial ad m in istratio n . S ince th e first cen tu ry A.D., th e cu­

ria in R om e w as in creasingly filled w ith sen ato rs fro m th e provinces.

T raian u s (A.D. 98-117), like S ep tim iu s S ev eru s (A.D. 193-211), a re only tw o fam ous exam ples of pro vin cials - fro m S p an ish B aetica a n d N o rth A frican Leptis M agna respectively - w ho m an ag ed to claim th e su p rem e p o w ers of em p ero rsh ip .

N ext to th e fore-m entioned ju rid ical rights a n d local social p restige atta c h e d to R om an citizenship, w ealth y citizens could also tu rn eco ­ no m ic p ro fit fro m th e ir civil statu s. The a c q u ire m e n t of R o m an citi­ zen sh ip e n a b le d th e m to p a rtic ip a te in th e lease sy stem of p u b lic p ro p e rty a n d ta sk s su c h as th e ex p lo itatio n of m in es a n d ta x atio n . This system h ad m ultiple advan tag es to b o th R om an im p erial g o v ern ­ m e n t a n d local elites. It d im inished th e possibility of extrem e exploi­ ta tio n by fo reig ners fro m ou tsid e th e com m unity a n d th e su b seq u en t risk of rebellion, w hile th e local leading circles w ere n o t d eprived of th e ir w ealth as th e y w e re cru cially involved in th e ex tra ctio n of r e ­ sources. H ig h e r p ro d u c tio n rate s w e re also n ecessary side-effects of th e system , as R om e also claim e d a p o rtio n of th e su rp lu s. 0 r s te d , w h o stu d ie d th e se issu es of p o litic a l a n d eco n o m ic co lla b o ra tio n , cam e to a definition of R om an izatio n as “a d elib erate econom ic p o li­ cy”, a n d concluded: “th e w olf a n d sh eep feed to g e th e r” (1985: 357). The sa m e a u th o r p erce iv es th e d isco n n ec tio n of th e p u b lic a n d th e p riv ate econom y by th e ab o lish m en t of th e lease system as a n im p o r­ ta n t fa cto r th a t co n trib u ted to d isin teg ratio n in th e la ter R om an E m ­ p ire. By th en , th e abo v e-m en tio n ed C onstitutio A n to n in ian a, w h ich

14 S im ila rly , Y v o n T h é b e rt. 1 9 7 8 . “R o m a n i s a t i o n e t d é r o m a n i s a t i o n e n A friq u e : h i s t o i r e d é c o lo n is é e o u h i s t o i r e in v e r s é e ? ,” A nnales: Econom ies, Sociétés, Civilisations 33: 72. I n r e s p o n s e to: M a rc e l B é n a b o u . 1 976. L a résistance africaine à la rom anisation. P a ris: F. M a sp e ro : 2 9 , 2 5 7 .

g ra n te d full R om an citizenship to all free citizens, w as “a b u rd en , not a p riv ile g e ” as it e n ta ile d m e re ly fin a n c ia l a n d so c ia l o b lig atio n s (0 rs te d 1985: 371-372).

The co o p era tio n b etw een th e R o m an g o v ern m en t a n d local elites h as th u s b een p erceiv ed as cru cial for th e so cial a n d eco n o m ic in te ­ g ra tio n of th e su b ju g ated peop les. The aim a n d th e o u tco m e of th e ta x a tio n sy stem w as a n inflow of re s o u rc e s fro m th e p ro v in c e s to Rom e. A c o n c e n tric m o d el of reso u rces flows fro m th e su rro u n d in g p e rip h e ry to th e ce n tre. H ow ever, th is m o d el does n o t ap p ly in th e case of th e R om an E m pire, w h ere a vast quan tity of reso u rces w as not co n su m ed in R om e b u t in th e em p ire ’s u tm o st in te rn a l p erip h ery: th e fro n tie r zone (Woolf 1990: 48). This is w h ere h u n d red s of th o u san d s of so ld iers w e re statio n e d , so ld iers w ho g u a rd e d th e p ro v in ce s an d p re v e n te d e x tern al invasions, a n d w h o se w ag es n eed e d to b e paid . The p resen ce of su ch huge m arkets a t th e fro n tier led to an im pressive in c re a se in lo cal p ro d u c tio n n e a r th e m ilitary e n c a m p m e n ts (M ac- M ullen 1968). It also fo stered long d istan ce tra d e to N o rth a n d Cen­ tr a l E u ro p e of b o th staples a n d luxury goods fro m th e so u th ern p ro v ­ inces, w h ere th e co m m ercializatio n of h ig h e r su rp lu ses w as e n c o u r­ aged by th e levy of taxes in m oney (on th e d evelopm ent of th e eco n o ­ m y a n d taxation: Jones 1974 , H opkins 1980 , M illett 1990: 6-7, Lev- eau 2007). This led to th e d evelopm ent of b usiness outside th e p rim a ­ ry o r a g ra ria n sector, as m o re people w ere occu p ied w ith trad e, b a n k ­ ing a n d tra n sp o rt. The rise of in terreg io n a l tra d e is attested by th e r e ­ m a rk a b le in c re a se of sh ip w reck s a n d th e diffusion of c e ra m ic c o n ­ ta in e rs (amphorae). U ntil th e th ird cen tu ry A.D., R om e chiefly expect­ ed p aym ents in money, w hile taxes in kind w ere lim ited. An im p o rtan t resu lt of taxes levied in m oney w as th e in c re ased m o n etisatio n of th e econom y in th e periphery, p a rtic u la rly in regions w h e re taxes p re v i­ ously did no t exist o r w ere levied in k in d ( 0 rs te d 1985: 31).

W hile th e econom y in th e e m p ire ’s p e rip h e ry p rin cip ally reta in ed th e tra its of a sub sisten ce economy, it w as m a rk e d by n o tab le g ro w th w ith re g a rd to p ro d u ctio n , m ark ets a n d reg io n al in terco n n ected n ess. This develop m en t w as a resp o n se to th e ex tractio n of la b o u r (slaves, th o u g h only initially) a n d reso u rces (plunder, la te r taxes) by th e core, a n d w as re n d e re d possible by th e tax atio n system , th e strateg ic m ili­ ta ry d esign of th e R o m an em p ire, th e im p ro v ed ro a d n etw o rk s a n d th e prev ailin g p o litical stability. N evertheless, th e p e rip h e ry w as also m a rk e d by o th e r econom ic side-effects of em pire, like th e ex p ro p ria­ tio n of la n d to th e ben efit of R o m an colonists a n d in vesto rs in larg e estates. The em p e ro r w as only th e g reatest of all big lan d o w n ers fro m Italy w ho o w ned lu crativ e p ro v in cial dom ains.

ASPECTS OF TH E INTEGRATION OF TH E PERIPHERY IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE

Conclusion

A n u m b e r of issues w ere not, o r w ere hardly, elab o rated in th is se­ lective survey of th e in te g ra tio n of th e p e rip h e ry in th e R o m an E m ­ pire. N eith er th e im p act of th e settlem en t of R om an colonies, for in ­ stance, n o r th e system of p a tro n a g e w h ich linked co m m u n ities in th e p e rip h e ry to in flu en tial R o m an sta te sm e n in th e core, often fo rm e r go vern ors of th e province, have b een discussed. Yet in this survey of an cien t sources a n d th e developm ent of m od ern R om anization theory, a n u m b e r of im p o rta n t a sp ec ts of in te g ra tio n h av e b e e n clarified. W hile R om an lite ra ry so u rces sp eak in d en ig ra tin g te rm s ab o u t th e c u ltu re of th e su b ju g a ted p eo p les of th e w est a n d c e le b ra te R om an do m ination, th e R om an E m p ire w as c h a ra c te riz e d by its rem ark ably high inclusive ch aracter. Like th e affiliation w ith R om an cu ltu re, th e acq uirem en t of R om an citizenship provided opportunities to th e indig­ enous elites in th e p e rip h e ry to m a in ta in local, social, p o litic al a n d econom ic power, an d to p ursu e an im perial career. These processes may have en tailed th e d evelopm ent of a different type of co reness a n d pe- ripherality w ithin local com m unities, defined by th e deliberate adoption of R om an traits. The R om an E m p ire ’s ability to in c o rp o ra te th e h ig h ­ e r social classes w as cru cial for its p ro lo n g ed existence. The ju rid ic a l p ro m o tio n of e n tire co m m u n ities am ong less ad v an tag ed neighbours, an d th e ap p earan ce of R om an colonies, led to a com plex socio-cultural lan d scap e in th e periphery, w h ere social a n d cu ltu ral featu res derived fro m th e co re w e re in term in g led a n d often rein terp rete d .

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ro zp o czął stu d ia z zak resu h isto rii i łaciny n a U niw ersytecie G andaw y. U kończył stu d ia m a g iste rsk ie w 2007 z w y ró ż n ie n ie m su m m a c u m laude, b ro n ią c p ra c ę m a g iste rsk ą pod ty tu łe m Conflicts between Rome and the indigenous peoples in North

Africa (Konflikty pomiędzy Rzymem a społecznością lokalną w północne] Afryce). Od 2008

ro k u p ra c u je n a d r o z p ra w ą d o k to rs k ą p o św ie c o n ą p o w s ta n io m m iejscow ych ludów przeciw ko w ładzy Im p e riu m Rzym skiego w okresie od czasów późnej r e ­ p u b lik i do k o ń ca p ry n c y p a tu . Od 2009 ro k u p ra c u je w In sty tu cie P osthum us w G ro n in g en w H olandii, zw iąz an y m z m ię d zy n aro d o w ą sie c ią ESTER.

Streszczenie

Wybrane aspekty integracji peryferii w obrębie Imperium Rzymskiego

A naliza licznych m a te ria łó w źródłow ych o ra z w spółczesnych te o rii dotyczą­ cych z jaw isk a ro m a n iz a c ji p o z w a la lepiej zro z u m ie ć ró ż n e asp ek ty in te g ra c ji p ro w in c ji za c h o d n ic h z Im p e riu m Rzym skim . Z jed n ej s tro n y ź ró d ła rzym skie m ó w ią pejoratyw nie o k u ltu rach ludów podbitych, z drugiej strony, c h w a lą rzy m ­ skie p an o w an ie. Im p e riu m R o m a n u m m iało b o w iem niezw ykle inklużyw ny c h a ­ rakter. Afiliacja z k u ltu rą rzy m sk ą o ra z uzyskanie obyw atelstw a rzym skiego d a ­ w ało m iejsco w y m e lito m peryferii m o żliw o ść u trz y m a n ia politycznej i ek o n o ­ m icznej w ład zy n a d lo k a ln ą spo łeczn o ścią, u m o żliw iało ró w n ież re a liz o w a n ie k a riery w o b ręb ie im p erialn ej stru k tu ry władzy. P rocesy te m iały k lu czo w ą ro lę w p rz e d łu ż e n iu o b ecn o ści im p e riu m i p ra w d o p o d o b n ie przyczyniły się do ro z ­ w o ju ró żn y ch ro d zajó w c e n tru m i p ery ferii w e w n ą trz lokalnych peryferyjnych społeczności, zdefiniow anych p o p rzez przyjęcie cech rzym skich.

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