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Three Christian epitaphs in Greek from Reisner excavations in the area of Gebel Barkal (northern Sudan)

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The Journal of Juristic Papyrology Vol. XXVI, 1996, pp. 73-89 A d a m Ł a j tar T H R E E C H R I S T I A N E P I T A P H S I N G R E E K F R O M T H E R E I S N E R E X C A V A T I O N S IN T H E A R E A O F G E B E L B A R K A L ( N O R T H E R N S U D A N )

O n the m a r g i n of the e x c a v a t i o n s of the M u s e u m of F i n e Arts, B o s t o n , c a r r i e d out by G . A. R e i s n e r at the b e g i n n i n g of this c e n t u r y in the a r e a of G e b e l B a r -kal ( a n c i e n t N a p a t a ) , t h e royal capital of K u s h , s o m e i m p o r t a n t d i s c o v e r i e s of C h r i s t i a n r e m a i n s w e r e also m a d e . T h e m o s t s i g n i f i c a n t of the f i n d s c o n c e r n e d N u r i , a locality on the left b a n k of the N i l e o p p o s i t e G e b e l B a r k a l , t h e site of o n e of the r o y a l n e c r o p o l e i s of K u s h .1 T h e r e , R e i s n e r f o u n d a s t o n e c h u r c h e r e c t e d largely of s p o l i a f r o m the royal t o m b s . T h e b u i l d i n g with its l o n g i t u d i -nal plan and c h a r a c t e r i s t i c central d o m e w a s c o n s t r u c t e d in the early p e r i o d of the N u b i a n c h u r c h a r c h i t e c t u r e (7th-8th c e n t u r y )2 and w a s rebuilt at a later t i m e (9th-10th c e n t u r y ) . C h r i s t i a n g r a v e s in the n e i g h b o u r h o o d of the c h u r c h s h o u l d be c o n s i d e r e d as c o n t e m p o r a r y with the b u i l d i n g . T w o s t o n e stelae with C h r i s -tian e p i t a p h s in G r e e k w e r e d i s c o v e r e d in the d e b r i s n e a r the c h u r c h , m o s t p r o b a b l y d r a g g e d f r o m a n e i g h b o u r i n g n e c r o p o l i s ; they are d i s c u s s e d b e l o w as

1 The results of the Reisner excavations in Nuri have been published by D . D U N H A M , Royal Cemeteries of Kush, II. Nuri, Boston 1965.

2 The plan and a brief description of the church in Dunham, op. cit., p. 271, fig 216, pi. 65. Dunham provides no information that could help date the erection of the church. The chronology given here has been established on the grounds of typological criteria by P. G R O S S M A N N , Elephantine, II. Kirche und Spütantike Hausanlagen im Chnum-tempel. Beschreibung und typologiesche Untersuchung {= Archäologische Veröffent-lichungen 25), Mainz am Rhein 1980, pp. 88-91. I am indebted to Prof. Włodzimierz G O D L E W S K I , Warsaw, for drawing my attention to Grossmann's work and discussing with me the church's archaeology.

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74 A. Ł A J T A R

n o s 1 a n d 2. A n isolated f i n d of a G r e e k C h r i s t i a n e p i t a p h f r o m G e b e l B a r k a l is d i s c u s s e d here as no 3.

T h e p r e s e n t w h e r e a b o u t s of t h e s e t h r e e G r e e k C h r i s t i a n e p i t a p h s are u n k n o w n ; n e i t h e r at K h a r t u m n o r in B o s t o n , they are p r e s u m e d lost. T h e i r p h o t o -g r a p h s t a k e n by R e i s n e r d u r i n -g the e x c a v a t i o n s are still k e p t t o -g e t h e r with the rest of the d o c u m e n t a t i o n in B o s t o n , M u s e u m of F i n e A r t s .3 T h e p r e s e n t e d i -tion of t h e s e i n s c r i p t i o n s h a s b e e n p r e p a r e d b a s e d on t h e s e p i c t u r e s . I a m h i g h l y i n d e b t e d to the M u s e u m of F i n e Arts, B o s t o n , a n d p e r s o n a l l y t o D r . T i m o t h y K e n d a l l f r o m the M u s e u m ' s E g y p t i a n D e p a r t m e n t f o r p r o v i d i n g m e with the r e c o r d s a n d t h e p e r m i s s i o n to p u b l i s h t h e m . I a l s o t h a n k M i s s I w o n a Z y c h f o r c o r r e c t i n g m y E n g l i s h . T h e f o l l o w i n g a b b r e v i a t i o n s h a v e b e e n u s e d in this p a p e r in a d d i t i o n to t h o s e c o m m o n l y a c c e p t e d : Gignac Junker KSB I Kubińska Lefebvre Montieret de Villard Т. В.

F. T h . G i g n a c , A Grammar of the Greek Papyri of the Roman and Byzantine Periods I , Phonology, M i l a n o 1976

H . J u n k e r , " D i e g r i e c h i s c h e n G r a b s t e i n e N u b i e n s " , ZÄS 60, 1925, p p . 1 1 4 - 1 4 8

M . R . M . H a s i t z k a ( e d . ) , Koptisches Sammelbuch I (= Mitteilungen aus der Papyrussammlung der Öster-reichischen Nationalbibliothek X X I I I ) , W i e n 1993 J. K u b i ń s k a , Inscriptions grecques chrétiennes (= Fa-ras I V ) , W a r s a w 1974

G . L e f e b v r e , Inscriptions grecques chrétiennes, L e C a i r e 1907

U . M o n n e r e t d e V i l l a r a d , La Nubia medioevale I, L e C a i r e 1935

M . G . Tibiletti B r u n o , Iscrizioni nubiane, P a v i a 1964

3 These are, in fact, the photos published by Dunham, op. cit., pl. LXXI A (ours no 1) and LXXI В = S. M. BURSTEIN, "A Christian Greek Inscription from Nuri in the Sudan" [in:] ID., Graeco-Africana. Studies in the History of Greek Relations with Egypt and Nubia, New Rochelle 1995, p. 224 (ours no 2).

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T H R E E C H R I S T I A N E P I T A P H S FROM T H E A R E A O F G E B E L B A R K A L 75 I. EPITAPH OF AN U N K N O W N PERSON

(IOANNES THE PRESBYTER?) - PL. I

F o u n d on J a n u a r y 2 9 t h , 1917, at the s o u t h e a s t e r n c o r n e r of the c h u r c h in N u r i , " a m o n g o t h e r large s t o n e s lying in s a n d a g a i n s t the b r a c i n g w a l l " ;4 f i e l d n o В 2 9 1 2 .

R e c t a n g u l a r slab of g r a y s a n d s t o n e . T h e u p p e r part of the slab is m i s s i n g , as is the l o w e r right h a n d c o r n e r a n d a s m a l l e r section of t h e l o w e r left h a n d c o r -ner. T h e s u r f a c e of the slab is b a d l y w o r n , p a r t i c u l a r l y d o w n the m i d d l e f r o m top to b o t t o m , c a u s i n g the letters to be largely e f f a c e d in this part. T h e r e s e e m s to h a v e b e e n a grid s e r v i n g as a f r a m e f o r t h e i n s c r i p t i o n ; the p h o t o r e v e a l s traces of vertical lines r u n n i n g parallel to the s i d e e d g e s and h o r i z o n t a l o n e s b e t w e e n p a r t i c u l a r lines of the text. T h e letters are r o u n d and r e s e m b l e the so-called N u b i a n m a j u s c u l e to a d e g r e e , p o s s i b l y its e a r l y v e r s i o n . In v i e w of the i n s c r i p t i o n ' s b a d s t a t e of p r e s e r v a t i o n , it is d i f f i c u l t to j u d g e its l a n g u a g e in t e r m s of g r a m m a t i c a l c o r r e c t n e s s . It s e e m s that the text w a s r e l a t i v e l y f r e e of the o r t h o g r a p h i c a l c o n f u s i o n s r e s u l t i n g f r o m p h o n e t i c a l t r a n s c r i p t i o n ( t h e o n l y such e r r o r to b e n o t e d with all c e r t a i n t y is evra f o r tvQa in line 8), w h i c h are o t h e r w i s e v e r y c o m m o n in N u b i a n i n s c r i p t i o n s in G r e e k . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , the c o m p o s i t i o n of the p r a y e r f o r the d e a d ( s e e b e l o w ) s u g g e s t s that its a u t h o r p o s s e s s e d a certain literacy in G r e e k .

U n p u b l i s h e d .

Cf. D. D u n h a m , The Royal Cemeteries of К us h II. Nuri, B o s t o n 1965, p. 2 7 2 ( d e s c r i p t i o n ) a n d pi. L X X I A ( p h o t o ) . /cat τον} ίίδην κΐαταπατήσας και.] ζω[ην τω κόσμω χ]αρ-ισάμ€[ΐΌ?] kv κόλποι]? Ά-4 βρααμ καΐ Ί σ [ α ά κ ] καΐ Ί α κ ώ / 3 , \kv τόπω] φ ω τ ί ζ ω k[v τόττω χ ] λ ώ -ης, kv [τόττω άνα]ψύ^ξως, 8 (.ντα [a7re'ópa] οδύνη κ,(αϊ) λύπη καΐ \ατβ]ναγμο\ ανάπ[αυσο]ν τ[ο]ν δ ο ΰ [ λ |

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76 A. ŁAJTAR

[o\v σου . . . ^ . . . . I. I 12 [έ']ττ7 της ζωής α[ύτοΰ]

[ n u m b e r ]

T r a n s l a t i o n : "[ a n d ] t r o d d e n d o w n hell and g i v e n life to the w o r l d , rest Y o u r s e r v a n t . . . in the b o s o m of A b r a h a m a n d I s a a c a n d J a c o b , in a s h i n i n g p l a c e in a p l a c e of v e r d u r e , in a p l a c e of r e f r e s h m e n t , f r o m w h i c h pain a n d grief and l a m e n t a t i o n s had f l e d a w a y . T h e y e a r s of his life w e r e [ n u m b e r ] . "

T h e inscription is practically a p r a y e r f o r the rest of the d e a d m a n ' s soul. O n l y lines 12-13 g i v i n g his y e a r s of life are not c o n n e c t e d s y n t a c t i c a l l y with the rest of the text.

T h e p r a y e r w e h a v e in o u r inscription f r o m Nuri is an a d a p t a t i o n of the long p r a y e r f o r the d e a d e n c o u n t e r e d on s o m e 3 0 e p i t a p h s f r o m N u b i a n t e r r i t o r i e s b e t w e e n the first and the sixth c a t a r a c t s on the N i l e , f r o m D e n d u r in the north to S o b a in the s o u t h , and d a t e d f r o m the s e c o n d half of the 8th to the first half of the 13th c e n t u r y A . D .5 T h e s a m e p r a y e r is k n o w n in t h e G r e e k O r t h o d o x C h u r c h w h e r e it is still recited o v e r the d e a d d u r i n g t h e f u n e r a r y l i t u r g y .6 A s s u c h it h a s b e e n t r a n s m i t t e d u n i n t e r r u p t e d l y in t h e m a n u s c r i p t t r a d i t i o n of G r e e k e u c h o l o g i a — the o l d e s t of t h e m b e i n g Vatic. B a r b e r . G r a e c . 3 3 6 of the 8th c e n t . A . D . — h e n c e its d e s i g n a t i o n " P r a y e r of the E u c h o l o g i o n M e g a T y p e " .7

5 The list of inscriptions in A. Ł A J T A R , ZPE 113, 1996, pp. 104-108.

6 Discussions of the prayer using both epigraphical evidence from Nubia and data

from Byzantine manuscripts are to be found in following works: W. W E I S S B R O D T , Ein

aegyptischer christlicher Grabstein mit Inschrift aus der griechischen Liturgie im Königlichen Lyceum Hosianum zu Braunsberg und ähnliche Denkmäler in auswärti-gen Museen, part one [in:] Verzeichnis der Vorlesungen am Königlichen Lyceum Ho-sianum zu Braunsberg, WinterSemester 1905/6, part two [in:] op. cit., S o m m e r

-Semester 1909; Kubińska, pp. 69-86; V . B R U N I , I funerali di un sacerdote nel rito

bi-zantino seconde gli eucologi manoscritti cli lingua greca (= Publicazioni delio Studium Biblicum Franciscanum. Collectio Minor 14), Jerusalem 1972, pp. 146-158; T. H Ä G G ,

"Two Christian Epitaphs in Greek of the »Euchologion Mega« Type" [in:] The

Scan-dinavian Joint Expedition to Sudanese Nubia, V I , Late Nubian Cemeteries, Solna 1982,

pp. 55-56; A. Ł A J T A R , "Greek inscriptions from the Monastery on kom H in Old

Dong-ola" [in:] The Spirituality of Ancient Monasticism. Acts of the International Colloquium

Held in Cracow-Tyniec, 16-19th November 1994, Cracow 1995, pp. 51-52.

7 Introduced by Hägg, loc. cit. In his classification of Nubian funerary prayers

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Plate I. Epitaph of an unknown person (Ioannes the Presbyter?) (photo: courtesy of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston)

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T H R E E C H R I S T I A N E P I T A P H S F R O M T H E A R E A O F G E B E L B A R K A L 7 7

The prayer in its Nubian version 8 runs as follows: ό θεος των πνευμάτων

καϊ πάσης σαρκός, ό τον θάνατον καταργήσας και τον αδην καταπατήσας καΐ ζωήν τω κόσμω χαρισάμενος, άνάιταυσον την ψυχήν τον δούλου σου τον δεινός εν κόλποι? ' Α β ρ α ά μ καϊ Ίσαά/c καϊ Ίακώ/3, εν τόπω φωτεινω, εν τώπω χλόης, èv τώπω άναψύζεως, ενθα άπέδρα οδύνη καϊ λύπη καϊ στε-ναγμός· πάν αμάρτημα παρ' αυτού πραχθεν λόγω η έργω η κατά διάνοι.αν ώ? αγαθός καϊ φιλάνθρωπος συνχώρησον, ότι ουκ εστίν άνθρωπος ός ζήσε-ται και ονχ αμαρτήσει· συ γαρ μόνος πάσης αμαρτίας έκτος υπάρχεις και ή δικαιοσύνη σου δικαιοσύνη εις των αιώνα, κύριε, και ό λόγος σου ή αλήθεια-συ γαρ εί ή άνάπαυσις και ή άνάστασις του δούλου σου του δεινός και σο 1 την δόζαν άναπεμπομεν τω πατρϊ καϊ τω υ'ιώ και τω άγίω πνεύματι.9

The person who composed our inscription from Nuri introduced some changes in the prayer. First of all he shortened it considerably. He cut off the second part with the request for the remission of the sins and retained only the first one, i.e. the invocation to God and the request for the dead to be granted with various places of eternal life. He remodelled this, transferring the verb of request together with the name of the deceased from the place after the invoca-tion to the very end of the prayer. Both the shortening and the composiinvoca-tional changes seem to have been done intentionally, with full understanding of the sense and with knowledge of Greek grammar, which is not always the case in Nubian adaptations of the Euchologion Mega type of prayer.1 0 The resulting

composition is hardly a prayer of the Euchologion Mega type. It is rather a new quality, a unique composition prepared for this particular gravestone and only modelled on the prayer in question.

This composition can be dated only approximately. The original prayer of the Euchologion Mega type was composed probably in the 6th century in Syria. Its introduction to Nubia cannot be determined with any accuracy. As mentioned already in this paper the oldest Nubian epitaphs containing the prayer in question date from the second half of the 8th century.11 The

inscrip-8 The Byzantine version differs from the Nubian one in two points: it has ΰιάβολον καταπατήσας vs. αδην καταπατήσας' and is deprived of the request for the soul of the deceased to be rested in the bosom of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob.

9 This is a theoretical reconstruction of the text based on the data yielded by the

whole group of inscriptions. Particular items present different variants of the prayer and it is difficult to accept any single one as a model.

10 Cf., e.g., the epitaph of Stephanos the presbyter (died A.D. 797), found in Old Dongola ( A . Ł A J T A R , Aegyptus 7 2 , 1 9 9 2 , pp. 1 1 3 - 1 2 9 ) .

11 These are: epitaph of Kel, daughter of Osk[ ) (died 785) and the epitaph of

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78 A. ŁAJTAR

tion f r o m Nuri, w h e r e the a p r a y e r is an a d a p t a t i o n of the p r a y e r of the E u c h o -logion M e g a t y p e , c a n h a r d l y be earlier than this d a t e . O n the o t h e r h a n d , the e x t e r n a l a p p e a r a n c e of the stela and the lettering of the inscription d o not g i v e the i m p r e s s i o n of b e i n g c h r o n o l o g i c a l l y late. A s f a r as I k n o w , a grid to m a k e a f r a m e f o r the inscription on the stela w a s a habit in N u b i a o n l y in the 8 t h - 1 0 t h c e n t u r y . A s f o r the N u b i a n m a j u s c u l e it a p p e a r s to u s in its full f o r m at the turn of t h e 10th c e n t u r y , but t h e r e is n o t h i n g to c o u n t e r its e x i s t e n c e a c e n t u r y or t w o e a r l i e r o n . A d d i t i o n a l l y , o n e s h o u l d n o t e that the e x p r e s s i o n τ α (bk) Ът) της ζωής αύτοϋ p l a c e d at the very e n d of an i n s c r i p t i o n , as is the c a s e here, is c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of e p i t a p h s d a t e d to the last t h r e e c e n t u r i e s of the first m i l l e n -n i u m , p a r t i c u l a r l y t h o s e c o m i -n g f r o m the a r e a of D o -n g o l a .1 2 All this i n c l i n e s m e to b e l i e v e that o u r e p i t a p h f r o m Nuri d a t e s f r o m the s e c o n d half of the 8 t h -10th c e n t u r y .

N o t e s to the r e a d i n g s h o u l d b e d i s c u s s e d at this point.

1 Nubian epitaphs containing the prayer of Euchologion Mega type always start with the prayer. Thus, we should supplement at the beginning of our inscription from Nuri: It ό θ(6ς των πνίυμάτων και πάσης σαρκός, 6 τον Θάνατον καταργήσας και τον] 'άΰην κ\αταττατησας κτ\. This gives 50-60 letters missing before αδηι; depending on whether nomina sacra were used and καΐ was abbreviated or not. Since particular lines of the inscription contain ca 20 letters, one can suppose three lines of the text to have been lost but the disposition of the text in these three lines is impossible to ascertain.

1-2 The reading κ(αί.)]|£ω[?7ΐ> withκ(αΙ) abbreviated as in line 8 is also possible. 5-6 After Φ Ω Ι Τ Ε Ι Ν Ω one can see a vertical stroke which makes one wonder

whether it is an epsilon, which letter in this inscription is slightly rounded as a rule. If not, this could be a ny erroneously inserted in final position. For this phenomenon, which is very well attested in the language of Greek papyri of the Roman and Byzantine periods, see Gignac, pp. 111-114. In Nubian epitaphs with the prayer of the Euchologion Mega type the form Φ Ω Τ Ε Ι Ν Ω Ν (with variants) appears in T. B. 8, 12, 14 and 16.

epitaph of Kel remains unpublished; for a preliminary discussion see S. JAKOBIELSKI, A. O STRASZ, Kush 15, 1967/68, p. 133 (a); for the epitaph of Stephanos see A. ŁAJTAR, Aegyptus 72, 1992, pp. 113- 129. The epitaph of one Markos discovered in Dendur in North Nubia, for which the date 765 has been suggested, comes most probably from 12th century; cf. A. ŁAJTAR, Varia Nubica IV: Das älteste nubische Epitaph mit dem Gebet vom Typus Euchologion Mega?, ZPE 113, 1996, pp. 101-108.

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T H R E E C H R I S T I A N E P I T A P H S F R O M T H E A R E A O F G E B E L B A R K A L 79 8 Read ενθα\ for interchange of voiceless and aspirated dentals see Gignac, p.

86; for Nubian attestations of this phenomenon see M. G. Tibiletti Bruno, Di alcune caratteristiche epigrafi funerarie cristiane della Nubia [in: | lstituto Lombarde di Scienze e Lettere. Rend. Lett. 97, 1963, p. 521. The spelling E N T A ( f o r ϊ υ θ α ) appears in T. B. 8, 14 and 15.

9 The reading στεναγμοί seems to be indubitable. The prayer of the Eucholo-gion Mega type has the singular στεναγμός in this place. It is difficult to de-cide whether this is a purposeful interchange or a mistake on one of the stages of text transmission. In the epitaph T. Β. I (Old Dongola, date unknown) we encounter Σ Τ Ε Ν Α Γ Μ Ο Ι Σ in this place.

11 'Ioavyyy is not excluded but in this case the name would be written faultily (omikron instead omega). Near the end of the line, immediately before the break in the stone, one can see the left part of a letter that resembles a pi, but slightly bigger than the rest of letters. This could be the abbreviation A [= πρ(ίσβύτίρον) in view of the syntax] but the matter is far from sure.

2. EPITAPH OF IOANNES (PL. II)

F o u n d on F e b r u a r y 6th, 1917, in d e b r i s to the south of the c h u r c h in N u r i ; f i e l d no С 7 4 7 4 .

U p p e r p a r t of a r e c t a n g u l a r s l a b m a d e of s a n d s t o n e to j u d g e by the p h o t o . B r o k e n d i a g o n a l l y , the t w o p i e c e s fitting t o g e t h e r . E d g e s c h i p p e d , small c h i p s also on the s u r f a c e . T h e s u r f a c e b e a r s a f i n e grid f r a m i n g the i n s c r i p t i o n . T h e letters are d e e p l y cut a n d clear, but not very n e a t . L e t t e r f o r m s , r a t h e r a n g u l a r than r o u n d , a p p e a r to b e e a r l y .1 3 In any c a s e , t h e i n s c r i p t i o n is p a l a e o g r a p h i -cally e a r l i e r t h a n the i n t r o d u c t i o n of N u b i a n m a j u s c u l e at the turn of the 10th c e n t u r y , s u p p l a n t i n g o t h e r letter f o r m s . Nomina sacra are u s e d in the text a c -c o r d i n g to the -c o m m o n rules, και is a b b r e v i a t e d by -c r o s s i n g out d i a g o n a l l y t h e l o w e r stroke of kappa a n d t r e m a is a l w a y s put a b o v e the initial iota. T h e G r e e k of t h e inscription is p r a c t i c a l l y w i t h o u t m i s t a k e s ; o n e n o t e s only ί κ α μ ή θ η instead of ζ κ ο ί μ ή θ η in line 2. O n the o t h e r h a n d , a c o m p a r i s o n of the i n t r o d u c tory f o r m u l a with s i m i l a r e p i g r a p h i c a l f o r m u l a e f r o m N u b i a a l l o w s us to a s -s u m e that the p e r -s o n w h o c o m p o -s e d the in-scription p o -s -s e -s -s e d -s o m e k n o w l e d g e of G r e e k .

1 3 The lettering of this inscription may be compared to that of the Dongola epitaph of Petros, the eparch of Nobadia (died 798); cf. A . L A J T A R , Archéologie du Nil Moyen 5, 1991, p. 165, pl. 1.

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80 A. ŁAJTAR

After the photo, S. M. Burstein, "A Christian Greek Inscription from Nuri in the Sudan" [in:] id., Graeco-Africana. Studies in the History of Greek Relations with Egypt and Nubia, New Rochelle 1995, pp. 221-229, with photo on p. 224. Cf. D. Dunham, The Royal Cemeteries of Kush, II. Nuri, Boston 1965, p. 272 (description) and pi. LXXI В (photo).

t t t ''Ιωάννης ό του Χ(ριστο)ΰ δούλο? (κ,ίΐμήθη èv τη κ ε λ ε ΰ σ α θ((ο)ϋ κ(υρίο)υ 4 παντοκράτωρος èν μηνΐ Π α χ ώ ^ κη. κα[Ι] νυν, Ô(e)è αγαθί, ά[νάτταυ]-σον την ψυχην α[ύτοΰ] 8 èv κόλποι? Ά/3ρα\αμ κ(αΐ) Ί ] -ααάκ κ(αϊ) Ιακώβ, tv[ ] [ 1

Translation: "Ioannes, the servant of Christ, fell asleep by the order of God the Lord, the omnipotent One, in the month Pachon (day) 28th. And now You, Good God, rest his soul in the bosom of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob [ ]". The inscription consists of two parts. Part one, lines 1-5, states the fact of the death of one Ioannes and gives the date of this event; part two, from the end of line 5, is a prayer for the rest of the soul of the deceased man. According to the present state of our knowledge about Greek epitaphs from Nubia such a two-part composition was characteristic of early epitaphs, from the 1 1th century at the very latest.1 4 This fact together with palaeographical criteria (cf. supra)

suggest a dating for this inscription towards the end of the ist millennium (second half of 8th/10th century).

Part one expresses the opinion that Ioannes died by the order of God who manages everything and consequently has the right to call up a human being from this world. Similar ideas appear frequently on Nubian epitaphs, both in Greek and in Coptic, even in the introductory parts preceding the prayers. Sometimes they assume the form of long phrases with rhetorical figures, but are normally expressed with standard formulae 0eoö θίλοντος τελεί του βίου

1 4 In fact, this is the composition of the majority of Nubian epitaphs, excluding

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Plate П. Epitaph of Ioannes

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THREE CHRISTIAN EPITAPHS FROM THE AREA OF GEBEL BARKAL 8 1

ίχρήσατο, ôeiâ ττρονοία ίκοιμ-ηθη ό beïva (giTN τεπροΝΟΐΛ nt^mton MMoq

Ν6Ι), νβύσα καί. βονλήσα του ôeoû ίκοίμηθη ό Ьеша ( д м п о у и к у Ν Τ & ^ Μ Τ Ο Ν MMoq Ntfi) a n d vevaa καί Kekevcrti του веой ènoiμήθη ό bdva (gl τ Ν

т е к е х е у а с N T ^ M T O N М М О С | Ν 6 Ι ) set a l w a y s at the t e x t ' s b e g i n n i n g .1 5 W h a t w e h a v e in o u r i n s c r i p t i o n f r o m N u r i closely r e s e m b l e s the last of t h e s e f o r m u -lae but is c o m p o s e d m o r e f r e e l y .

Until n o w t h e f o r m u l a νεύσεί και κ ε λ ε ΰ σ α τοΰ θίοΰ έκοίμηθη ό ôeîva w a s e n c o u n t e r e d in N u b i a o n l y o n c e , n a m e l y in t h e e p i t a p h of P e t r o s , t h e E p a r c h of N o b a d i a (died 7 9 8 ) , r e c e n t l y d i s c o v e r e d by the P o l i s h M i s s i o n in O l d D o n -g o l a .1 6 O n the c o n t r a r y , its C o p t i c c o u n t e r p a r t 31TN текехеуслс ΜΠΝογτε NT^qMTON MMoq N61 is very c o m m o n . It c h a r a c t e r i z e s a g r o u p of e p i t a p h s f r o m G h a z a l i ,1 7 a m o n a s t e r y in the closest vicinity of N u r i , and a p p e a r s also in the e p i t a p h s of Iesu, B i s h o p of S a i ,1 8 as well as in the e p i t a p h of priest M a r i a -n o s f r o m F a r a s .1 9 T h i s d i s p r o p o r t i o n b e t w e e n G r e e k a n d C o p t i c a t t e s t a t i o n s of the f o r m u l a " b y the o r d e r of G o d d i e d this a n d t h i s " is m o s t p r o b a b l y a c a s e of a r b i t r a r y statistics. G h a z a l i , a l a r g e m o n a s t i c c o m p l e x c l o s e l y c o n n e c t e d with E g y p t , p r o d u c e d m o s t l y C o p t i c e p i t a p h s , as d i d N o b a d i a w i t h its c a p i t a l in

15 On introductory formulae in Nubian epitaphs making reference to divine order or divine will as a cause of death see A. Ł A J T A R , "Terracotta funerary stele of the monk Ioannes from Old Dongola", Nubica III/2 (in press). Analogical formulas appear also, although not as often as in Nubia, in funerary inscriptions from other areas of the Christian world; the attestations from Corycos in Cilicia, Constantinople, Macedonia and Italy are collected by D. F E I S S E L , Recueil des inscriptions chrétiennes de Macé-doine du IIIe au VIe siècle (- BCH Supplement VIII), Athènes-Paris 1983, commentary to no 135. One can add to these an epitaph from Saqqara in Lower Egypt, J. E. Qui-BELL, Excavations at Saqqara 1908-1909/1909-/9/0, Cairo 1912, p. 91, no 292; non vidi, cit. after С. W I E T H E G E R , Das Jeremias-Kloster zu Saqqara unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Inschriften (= Arbeiten zum spätantiken und koptischen Ägypten,

1), Altenberge 1991, p. 417, no 317 (βουλήσ(εί) δΐαπότου Oeov ίκοιμήθη κτλ. ) and a fourth century epitaph from Pisidian Antioch, W. M. R A M S A Y , CI. Rev. 33, 1919, p. 2 (Oeov ττρονοία καί ιερών άνγέλων -awobią μ([τθίκ.ήσαντα] eis [ο]νρανον ίζ ανθρώ-πων κ,τλ. ).

1 6 Α . Ł A J T A R , Archéologie du Nil Moyen 5 , 1 9 9 1 , P . 1 5 7 - 1 5 9 .

1 7 R . L E P S I U S , Denkmäler aus Ägypten und Äthiopien VI, pl. 103, nos 44, 47, 49

(these inscriptions are reprinted now in KSB I, nos 492, 493, 494 respectively); J. W. B A R N S [in:] P. L. S H I N N I E , H. N. C H I T T T I C K , Ghazali. A Monastery in the Northern Su-dan (= SuSu-dan Antiquities Service. Occasional Papers, 5), Khartoum 1961, nos 1 , 3 1 , 39 (these two inscriptions are greatly supplemented), 43, 54.

18 KSB 1429.

1 9 S. JAKOBIELSKI, A History of the Bishopric of Pacho ras (- Faras I I I ) , Warsaw 1972, pp. 125-127.

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82 A. ŁAJTAR

Faras; excavations in Old Dongola, where cultural and language patterns were in favor of Greek, may change this picture. In fact, the idea that a particular m a n ' s death is a realization of the plans of God — the creator of mankind — was apparently just as familiar in Greek as well as Coptic epitaphs from Nubia. Appropriate formulae were developed in much the same words in both lan-guages to express this idea.

Both in the Dongola epitaph of Petros, the Eparch of Nobadia, beginning with vtvcreL καΐ κ ί λ ε ύ σ ε ι τον θβον and in the majority of Coptic epitaphs o p e n i n g w i t h giTN т е к е х е у с ю м п ы о у т е , G o d is q u a l i f i e d a s t h e o n e w h o c r e a t e d e v e r y t h i n g (δημωνργησας τά πάντα, п ь л м ю у р г о с Mirrepcj). -παντο-κράτωρ as a designation of God is paralleled only by the epitaph of one Solo-mon from Ghazali 2 0 among the epitaphs with the formula "by the order of

God". God is otherwise frequently designated as παντοκράτωρ in Nubian epitaphs.2 1

The second part of our epitaph from Nuri, the prayer for the dead, displays a composition which is typical of the majority of Nubian funerary prayers on stone, including the prayer of the Euchologion Mega type. After an invocation to God, it lists places of eternal life with which God is requested to present the soul of the deceased man. Only the designation of one place and the very be-ginning of the second one has been preserved on the stone. The request for the soul to rest èv κόλποι? ' Α β ρ α ά μ και Ι σ α ά κ και Ίακώ/3 immediately following the invocation is surely the most characteristic element of all Nubian funerary prayers. It remains in the distinguished position at the head of the list in other texts just like in this inscription. In the prayer of the Euchologion Mega type and some other prayers under its influence, it is followed by èv τόττω φωτεωω κτλ, but three other designations of the place of eternal rest are also attested as t h e s e c o n d i t e m o n t h e list: βνθα аттёЬра λύπη ( s o ! ) ,2 2 èv παραδζίσω τρυφής 23 and èv σκηναΐς των δίκαιων.24 Which of these possibilities should be chosen in our case, it is impossible to say, the more so as other designations beginning

20 KSB 1 4 9 3 .

2 1 See, e.g., three epitaphs of bishops of Faras quoted b e l o w , notes 32, 33, 34. 2 2 T. B. 32.

2 3 In an epitaph f r o m C h a n d a q in the vicinity of D o n g o l a , Monneret cle Villard, p.

238; the reading i m p r o v e d by A. ŁAITAR, ZPE 94, 1992, pp. 2 1 7 - 2 2 0 . Analogical seq u e n c e of elements is to be f o u n d also in s o m e epitaphs f r o m Egypt and in Coptic f u n -erary liturgy; the references are quoted in my article cited in this note.

2 4 In three inscriptions f r o m Ginari in Northern N u b i a , C. M . FIRTH, The

Archaeo-logical Survey of Nubia. Report for 1908-1909, vol. I, Cairo 1912, p. 47: Grave 397, p. 49: Grave 907 and p. 50: right column, first inscription f r o m the top.

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THREE CHRISTIAN EPITAPHS FROM THE AREA OF GEBEL BARKAL 83

w i t h ev o r ev0a (e.g., èv ту λαμπρότητί των άγιων, e'νθα ίυφραινομένωυ εστίν ή κ α τ ο ι κ ί α èv σ ο ι ) a r e a l s o n o t e x c l u d e d . T h o u g h t p r o v o k i n g is t h e d e s i g n a t i o n αγαθός a s c r i b e d t o G o d in t h e i n v o -c a t i o n at t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e p r a y e r .2 5 T h i s i s t h e f i r s t t i m e t h a t it a p p e a r s a l o n e a s a g e n u i n e e p i t h e t of G o d in G r e e k i n s c r i p t i o n s f r o m N u b i a . U n t i l n o w it h a s b e e n a t t e s t e d o n l y in c o m b i n a t i o n w i t h φιλάνθρωπος, in t h e f o r m u l a i c e x p r e s s i o n ώς άγαθος και. φιλάνθρωπος c o m i n g in t h e s e c o n d p a r t o f t h e p r a y e r of t h e E u c h o l o g i o n M e g a t y p e w h e r e t h e r e m i s s i o n of s i n s is r e q u e s t e d . N o d o u b t u n d e r t h e i n f l u e n c e o f t h i s v e r y p r a y e r it a p p e a r s a l s o , still in c o m b i -n a t i o -n w i t h φιλάνθρωπος, i -n t w o G r e e k e p i t a p h s w i t h o t h e r t y p e s of p r a y e r s 2 6 a n d p o s s i b l y in s o m e C o p t i c e p i t a p h s a s w e l l .2 7 αγαθός a s a g e n u i n e e p i t h e t o f G o d is o n t h e c o n t r a r y o f t e n in C o p t i c i n s c r i p t i o n s f r o m N u b i a . T h e e x a m p l e q u o t e d b y B u r s t e i n 2 8 c a n b e s u p p l e m e n t e d b y s e v e r a l o t h e r s , m a i n l y f r o m N o r t h e r n N u b i a .2 9 T h e h i g h f r e q u e n c y of t h e G o d ' s e p i t h e t л г ^ е о с in C o p t i c

2 5 It goes back to the N e w T e s t a m e n t where it refers both to God the Father and to

Jesus Christ (see, h o w e v e r , the r e s p o n s e of J e s u s in Mt. 19.17: eis еатш ό αγαθός [namely God the Father] and still m o r e clearly in Lk. 18.19: είπίν δί αύτω ό 'Ιησούς-τί με λέγζΐ,ς αγαθόν, ουδείς αγαθός ei μη eis ό θεό?). In later Christian usage the des-ignation αγαθός referred mostly to the first person of the Holy Trinity.

26 Lefebvre 6 5 0 (Т. B. 35): αγαθί φιλάνθρωπε δια τους παμπληθ(εΐς) οίκταρμονς σου την φυγτην της δούλης σου ... άνάπαυσον κτλ. and Lef. 661 (Т. В. 43): σύ, κ(ύρι,)ε, ό θ(εό)ς, ό μόνος αγαθός και φιλάνθρωπος και οίκ,τοίρμος (sic!) οίκτοίρσον (sic!) και ελέησον την φυχην αυτής κ τ λ .

2 7 G. S. MILEHEM, Churches in Lower Nubia, Philadelphia 1910, p. 20, pl. 7: an

epi-taph f r o m D e b e i r a in w h i c h God is qualified as л г л е о с д у ш п м м р ш м е ; similarly in a badly d a m a g e d epitaph f r o m Ghazali, LEPSIUS, Denkmäler aus Ägypten und Aethio-pien VI, pl. 103, no 4 3 [ п & г л е о с п м а л р ш м е ; for the s u p p l e m e n t is credited Junker, p. 121.

2 8 Jakobielski, op. cit., p. 121 (epitaph of Bishop Aron).

29 KSB I 4 6 0 (from A r m i n n a ) ; T." MINA, Inscriptions coptes et grecques de la Nubie, Le Caire 1942, no 9 0 ( f r o m S a k i n y a ) : Montieret de Villard, p. 167 ( f r o m T a m i t ) ; Junker, p. 129 and 131 with note 5 (three epitaphs from Qasr Ibrim kept with the Insti-tute of Egyptology of the University of Leipzig, referred to as Ibrim 682, 687 and 688). 0,г«5,еос as epithet of God appears frequently in Coptic inscriptions f r o m Egypt; cf. e.g. H . MUNIER, Aegyptus 11, 1 9 3 0 - 3 1 , p p . 4 4 5 - 4 4 6 , n o 105, p. 4 4 8 f., n o 110, p p . 4 4 9 - 4 5 1 , nos 112-113 (all e x a m p l e s f r o m the monastery of St. Simeon in A s w a n ) as well as M. CRAMER, Archäologische und epigrapliische Klassifikation koptischer Denkmäler des Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York und des Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Mass., W i e s b a d e n 1957, nos 4 9 ( f r o m Saqqara) and 50 ( f r o m Deir el G e n a d l a near Asyut with references to other epitaphs from the area in question m a k i n g use of this epithet).

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84 A. Ł A J T A R

inscriptions from Nubia might suggest that its appearance in our inscription from Nuri is due to Coptic influence, but the matter is hardly obvious.

1 Ίωάννηο Burstein. Sigma at the end of the name was possibly corrected from omikron, but it seems to be clear.

2 Burstein prints ίκοίμήθη (an overlooking?). This is what should be expected, but what is written on the stone is clearly Ε Κ Ε Ι Μ Η Θ Η . In later Greek, "ot" and " a " were merely orthographical variants of what was pronounced as "i," thus their frequent interchange in script. For this phenomenon see Gignac, pp. 267-273; for its attestations in Greek inscriptions from Nubia see Tibiletti Bruno, op. cit., pp. 518-519.

5 Burstein prints μηνϊ Παχώι^ ки and translates "in the month Pachon on the twenty-second". Two vertical strokes after kappa most probably represent eta, thus: Pachon the twenty-eight. An alternative reading would be К Г (23) and a separation point, but this reading seems less probable to me.

At the end of the line Burstein reads ки ι ω Μ and tries to explain this as an ab-breviation of the name 'loaavves. But the appearance of a name, no matter whether of the deceased or of someone else, is hardly to be explained in this place. Here, after the day of the month of Ioannes' demise, we would expect the year of this event, given according to the indictional system or an era. However, the fragments of two letters preserved on the stone in the place in question cannot be recognized as belonging to any formula introducing the year in Nubian inscriptions. Besides, the lacuna at the end of this line seems to be too small for a year number together with its introductory formula. With re-gard to this, I should think that the year of Ioannes' death was not given at all and that the prayer for his soul had started already with the end of line 5. The reading κα[ι that I have suggested above is easily supportable on paleographi-cal grounds, καΐ νυν at the beginning of a sentence reflects speaking style; on the sentences beginning with και in ancient Greek see S. Trenkner, Le style και dans le récit attique oral, Bruxelles 1948 (non vidi).

8-9 Άβρα[αμ Ί ] | σ α ά κ Ίακώ/3 èv ... ки ιω|υ! Burstein. The conjunction και is in-dispensable between the names of the patriarchs and in the texts from Nubia it always appears in this position. In fact it is present on the stone in line 9 be-tween the names of Isaac and Jacob in the abbreviated form κ(αι) and I sup-plement this form also in line 8 between the names of Abraham and Isaac, ки ιω[υ] printed by Burstein before the lacuna in line 9 looks very much like a print mistake.

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T H R E E C H R I S T I A N E P I T A P H S F R O M T H E A R E A O F G E B E L B A R K A L 8 5

3 . E P I T A P H O F E L I S A B E T H

Found in Gebel Barkal.3 0

Rectangular slab apparently m a d e of sandstone. Preserved completely except for small chips at the right hand edge and some holes in the surface, but not af-fecting the letters. The letters deeply cut and clear but not very neat. They are inscribed within a grid consisting of vertical grooves along the side edges and horizontal ones between particular lines of the text. T h e lettering is angular and resembles to s o m e extent that of the epitaph of Ioannes discussed above. O n e should take note of the nomen sacrumQil in line 8. T h e Greek of the inscrip-tion is full of orthographical and morphological c o n f u s i o n s (particular cases are discussed below). N o doubt neither the person w h o c o m p o s e d the text nor the stonecutter understood what the former wrote and the latter cut.

After the stone, G. A. Reisner, Harvard African Studies 1, 1917, pp. 197-198 pl. I (non vidi): transcription in majuscule with a notice that the inscription might be "in Old Nubian or in some language of the Bega g r o u p " (M. L. Saint Paul-Girard, BIFAO 20, 1922, pp. 111-112: recognized the inscription as Greek and made an attempt at the reading; SEG II 883; W . M . Calder, CI. Rev. 40,

1926, p. 127: read lines 3-8; SB V 8758; Montieret de Villard, p. 257; Η. Jun-ker, " D i e griechische Grabinschrift von Geber Barkal", ZNTW 37, 1939, pp. 281-285: established the complete text of the inscription; SB V 8948).

Cf. J. and L. Robert, Bull, épigr. 1940, 206 (review of J u n k e r ' s article); Ku-bińska, pp. 28-29 (on the formula vevaei καί βουλησα); S. M . Burstein, " A Christian Greek Inscription from Nuri in the S u d a n " [in:] id., Graeco-Africana. Studies in the History of Greek Relations with Egypt and Nubia, N e w Rochelle

1995, p. 223 (photo). t Ν 6 υ σ ι καί {ßAßovKfi ту πα. VTLTÎK-4 τωροϊ κόσ-μου τον α-κοσ(μο)ν κοσ-

μηίσαν-I did not have access to the editio princeps of the stela by G. A . R E I S N E R in Har-vard African Studies 1, 1917, pp. 197-198, thus I am not aware of the circumstances of the discovery of this stone.

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86 A. Ł A J T A R

8 TL 0(e)ą> εκη-μήθη μηυϊ Χ ι ά χ Έ λ ι σ α / З е т · αυάτταυσου

T r a n s l a t i o n : " B y the inclination and will of G o d the c r e a t o r of e v e r y t h i n g w h o has a r r a n g e d d i s o r d e r into o r d e r E l i s a b e t h died in the m o n t h of C h o i a k . ( G o d ) , rest ( h e r ) "

S i m i l a r l y as the e p i t a p h of I o a n n e s d i s c u s s e d a b o v e , a l s o the p r e s e n t e p i t a p h of E l i s a b e t h is c o m p o s e d of t w o parts: 1) the i n t r o d u c t o r y f o r m u l a stating the fact of E l i s a b e t h ' s d e a t h a n d g i v i n g its d a t e ; 2) the p r a y e r f o r the soul of t h e d e -c e a s e d w o m a n . H o w e v e r , in this -c a s e the p r a y e r h a s b e e n m a x i m a l l y r e d u -c e d to the sole r e q u e s t αυάτταυσον. This is surely the shortest prayer in Nubian e p i t a p h s .3 1

W i t h r e s p e c t to the f o r m and c o n t e n t of the i n t r o d u c t o r y part, o u r e p i t a p h of E l i s a b e t h r e p r e s e n t s the g r o u p d i s c u s s e d a b o v e in c o n n e c t i o n with the e p i t a p h of I o a n n e s . It is built u p with h e l p of the f o r m u l a vevcreL καΙ βουλή του θεοϋ (.κοίμήθτ] ό δ ί ΐ υ α supplemented by the description of the creative work of God. In this s h a p e the f o r m u l a in question a p p e a r only here but the very c l o s e v t v a t L καΙ βουλήσίΐ τον θ(ον ίκοίμήθη ό beîva is to be found in three epitaphs of b i s h o p s of F a r a s : I g n a t i o s (died 8 0 2 ) ,3 2 K o l l o u t h o s (died 9 2 3 )3 3 and S t e p h a n o s ( d i e d 9 2 6 ) .3 4 βουλή instead of βουλήσα goes back most probably to N e w T e s t a m e n t , Act. Apost. 13.36 where of D a v i d ' s death it is said ту του θεοΰ βουλή ёкοιμήθ-η. The expression κόσμου του άκοσμου κοσμήσας is paralleled by κοσμούσα του αταζίαυ καΙ άκοσμίαυ in Dionysius Araeopagita, De divinis nominibus 8. 9 (PG III 897B) (with reference to G o d ' s power) and το άκοσμου κοσμείται, in the same author, De ecclesia hierarchia 2.3.8 (PG III 404C) (with r e f e r e n c e to b a p t i s m ) .

3 1 Compare other very short prayers in Nubian epitaphs: Firth, op. cit., p. 48, Grave 437 (ό θ(εό)ΐ, αναπαύσί αυτήν, αμήν) and p. 48, Grave 651 (ανατταύσι αυτόν, ό ôeôs, (άμήν))φοώ inscriptions come from Ginari) as well as Lefebvre 655 (άνάπαυσον αυτήν ό θΐός).

32 Kubińska, pp. 26-27, no 4: vevaa (και) βουλήσα QUov) παντοκράτορος του τήυ

ίζουσίαν έχοντος ζωής (και) θανάτου αττώήμησζν κτλ.

33 Kubińska, pp. 32-33, no 5: νίύσα κ(αΐ) βουλήσα τού πανσόφου θ((ο)ϋ

7ταντο-κράτωρος тс'Ле ι той βίου κτλ.

34 Kubińska, pp. 34-35, no 6: vevaa. καΙ βουλίίσα. του παντοκράτορος θ((θ)ΰ

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T H R E E C H R I S T I A N E P I T A P H S F R O M T H E A R E A O F G E B E L B A R K A L 87

1-2 Ν ί ΐ ι σ ι ? και ι Β ί β ο ΰ Κ η Saint-Paul Girard, who understood this as two female names in the dative; this reading is repeated in SEG II 883, SB V 8758, by W. M. Calder and U. Monneret de Villard.

Ν Ε Τ Σ Ι ( f o r v e t k r a ) at the beginning of 1. I is due to iotacism. As for B I -Β Ο Τ Λ Η in 1. 2 Junker, ZNTW 37, 1939. p. 285 suggested that it could have been either a stonecutter's mistake or a contamination of βουλή — "will" with βίβουλ^υμένα — "plan", "decision". The case is difficult to judge.

3-4 Γι,άνΙνη] τι\α]τάκ\τοροί (for δι[α]τάκ|τορο?) Saint-Paul Girard and after him SEG II 883, SB V 8758, U. Monneret de Villard.

Read παντοτίκτορος. The spelling Π Α Ν Τ Ι Τ Ι Κ Τ Ω Ρ Ο Σ could have arisen through the confusion of the stems т е к т - and tlkt- and then the attraction of TLKT- facilitated by the fact, that both neighbouring syllables have the same consonant " τ " . Before 7ταντοτέκτορος one would expect the article той. Τ Η at the end of line 2 is most probably not a mistake for του but the feminine article in the dative ττ) referring to νζύσι καϊ βουλή.

As Junker, ZNTW 37, 1939, p. 285 pointed out, the term παντοτίκτωρ seems not to have been attested in our sources, but in Manasses, Compendium Chronicum (Bonn), line 50, the very similar τταυτοτίκτωυ appears

5 τΙοϋτ]ον Saint-Paul Girard, SEG II 883, SB V 8758 and U. Monneret de Vil-lard.

6-8 νο{α)\μίσαν\τί, θώ Saint-Paul Girard who considers νομίσαυτί to be a mistake for νομισάση (false gender, masculine instead of feminine) and sees in θω the acclamation èv 0«ώ; after him SEG II 883, SB V 8758 and U. Monneret de Vil-lard.

Read κοσμήσαντος θεοϋ. The dative instead of the genitive is difficult to ex-plain in this place. It is maybe due to the interchange of ου and ω(ι) in final po-sition, a phenomenon frequently attested in later Greek (see Gignac, pp. 208-209) and then the attraction of θεώ exerted over the participic referring to it? Interestingly enough, a similar mistake appears at the beginning of the Dongola epitaph of Petros, the Eparch of Nobadia, frequently referred to in this paper:3-5 υίΰσίΐ και κ ε λ ί ύ σ α τω τα πάντα δημιούργησαν 6(ί)ώ. The spelling HI in Κ Ο Σ Μ Η Ι Σ Α Ν Τ Ι is due to iotacism.

8-9 Read ίκοιμήθη. For interchange of "ot" and "rj" which in later Greek were only orthographic variants of "i" see Gignac, pp. 265-266.

10 Junker suggested the reading Χ ι ά χ («') Έλισα/Зе'т (with haplography of ep-silon). This is possible, but by no means sure.

Read Έ λ ι σ α / 3 ε 0 ; for interchange of voiceless and aspirated dentals see com-mentary to the inscription no 1, line 8. Apart from this inscription the name

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88 A. Ł A J T A R

Elisabeth has been encountered in Nubia also in an epitaph now in the Museo Egizio in Torino,·16 an epitaph in the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Aegyptische Abteilung 3 7 (both inscriptions are surely from Northern Nubia) and an epitaph from Ginari now in the Archaeological Museum in Cracow.·18 Junker, pp.

120-121 restores it also in a very damaged epitaph from Ghazali;3 9 owing to its size, the restoration is open to discussion.

Several c o n c l u s i o n s e m e r g e f r o m the above presentation of the three epitaphs f r o m Nuri and Gebel Barkal. They may be formulated only after taking into ac-count two factors: 1) the c h r o n o l o g y of the inscriptions which has been estab-lished on the ground of palaeographical and typological criteria to the 8th-10th century, and 2) the particular geographical position of the Gebel Barkal area in the heart of the Christian k i n g d o m of Makuria, not far f r o m its capital of D o n -gola on one side and in the i m m e d i a t e vicinity of the large monastic centre in Ghazali on the other.

It may not be a c o i n c i d e n c e that all three e p i t a p h s f o u n d by Reisner in the G e b e l Barkal area are in G r e e k . M o s t of the written sources that are k n o w n f r o m Old D o n g o l a so f a r are in G r e e k (at least f o r the period in q u e s t i o n ) ; C o p t i c inscriptions are exceptional and are f o u n d only in monastic c o n t e x t .4 0 T h e situation to be o b s e r v e d in Ghazali is quite d i f f e r e n t with the majority of the k n o w n e p i t a p h s being written in Coptic.4 1 T h e c o m b i n e d data f r o m D o n -gola and Ghazali indicates that in the early history of Christian M a k u r i a G r e e k was used as the m e d i u m of written c o m m u n i c a t i o n , apparently in all walks of life with the sole exception of monasticism, w h e r e both languages, G r e e k and Coptic, existed side by side. O u r three epitaphs f r o m Nuri and Gebel Barkal,

36 Lefebvre 660.

3 7 Inv. 13724. Published by R. KOERNER, "Eine griechisch-christliche Grabinschrift aus Nubien", AfP 18, 1966, pp. 44-45.

3 8 Firth, op. cit., p. 47: Grave 302. Rediscovered in the Archaeological Museum in Cracow and republished by A. ŁAJTAR, Muzeum Archeologiczne w Krakowie, Materiały Archeologiczne XXVII, 2, 1994, pp. 56-58.

39 Lefebvre 607.

4 0 Two Coptic epitaphs recently found by the Polish Mission in the monastery on kom H against some twenty examples in Greek from both Polish excavations and earlier finds.

4 1 It is often difficult to define the language of small fragments of grave stelae from Ghazali published by Barns in the book of Shinnie and Chittick {cf. note 17). The estimated proportion between Greek and Coptic epitaphs there is 1 : 2 in favour of the Coptic.

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T H R E E C H R I S T I A N E P I T A P H S F R O M T H E A R E A O F G E B E L B A R K A L 89 obviously c o m m e m o r a t i n g people not connected with a m o n a s t e r y , would fol-low this rule in spite of their being written in the n e i g h b o u r h o o d of Ghazali.

T h e quality of the G r e e k used in the inscriptions, even if the last epitaph c o m e s f r o m an illiterate hand, can be considered as quite good, w h e n j u d g e d in reference to N u b i a n realities. This is surely d u e to the early date of the inscrip-tions — in the 8th-10th centuries Nubian Greek was not so corrupt yet — but it seems also to be a characteristic of Makuria. In view of the prevailing literacy in Greek, the language used there was of better quality than in Northern N u b i a (Nobadia) w h e r e G r e e k shared the position of a m e d i u m of written c o m m u n i -cation with Coptic (and later with Old Nubian). O n e notes that inscription no 3, t h o u g h m u c h c o r r u p t e d , c o n t a i n s a hapax legomenon παντοτίκτωρ. R a r e words, literary quotations and transpositions are very c o m m o n in epitaphs f r o m Old D o n g o l a , particularly w h e r e the redactors w e r e not restricted by existing f o r m u l a e and prayers. T h e term παντοτέκτωρ in the epitaph of Elisabeth is yet m o r e proof of the learned character of the funerary epigraphy in Old Dongola.

T h e epitaph with the prayer of the Euchologion M e g a type deserves special attention, p r o v i d i n g that the date I have suggested on palaeographical g r o u n d s (8th-10th cent.) is correct. As stated above, the p r a y e r of the E u c h o l o g i o n M e g a type a p p e a r s in N u b i a f o r the first time in e p i t a p h s f r o m Old D o n g o l a dated to the second half of the 8th century. In northern N u b i a (Nobadia), it is attested only f r o m the beginning of the 11th century o n w a r d s as is also the case of the s o u t h e r n m o s t of three N u b i a n k i n g d o m s — Alodia. T h e c h r o n o l o g y of the a p p e a r a n c e of the prayer of the Euchologion M e g a type in Nubian epitaphs points to the leading role played by Dongola in the adoption and propagation of the prayer in question in the w h o l e Nubian c h u r c h . N o w , the prayer contained in our epitaph f r o m Nuri is not a servile repetition of the prayer of the E u c h o -logion M e g a type, but its creative transformation. This testifies to an intimate k n o w l e d g e the p r a y e r current in Old D o n g o l a by the end of the first millen-n i u m amillen-nd c o millen-n f i r m s the thesis, f o r m u l a t e d a b o v e , about D o millen-n g o l a ' s priority imillen-n the propagation of the said prayer.

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