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Holland and the ecological landscapes

1973-1987

An appraisal of recent developments in the layout and management

of urban open space in the low countries

Allan

R.

Ruft

Editol"s note

In

1979

AUan Ruff Wl'ote a UttLe book which be pubUshed

him-self. It was called "Holland and the Ecological Landscape". As

the book'

s title indicates. "The Ecological Landscape" is an

idea. a specific notion of designing open Ul"ban space.

Expen-ments in upban envil'onmental design in the Nethel'lands have

attl'acted a gr>eat deal of attention abl'oad, AUan Ruff'

s

baok

being just one l'eaction. But how al'e the Dutch themselves coping

with the hel'itage of the sixties and seventies?

Since

1973

Allan Ruff has been obseroing developments in the

Nethel'lands fl'om year> to yeal'. He has noticed that many of the

ol'iginally intl'oduced ideas al'e not being 00l'ned out, nol' al'e

they being impl'oved. It is time to d1'aw up a balance: this

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ~ _ _ L_~

"Holland and the ecological landscapes" is

produced within the framework of the research project "Restructuring Urban Areas". and as contribution to the UNESCO-MAB (man and the biosphere) programme on human settlements.

Published and destributed by:

Delft University Press

Stevinweg 1

2628 CN Delft. the Netherlands

telephone: (0)]5 - 783254

For:

The Department of Public Housing. PhysicaZ Planning and Environmental management of the Delft University of Technology, in co-operation with the Department of Town and Country Planning of the University of Manchester.

CIP-data: Royal Library the Hague, the Netherlands

LSBN 90-6275-367-1.

Copyright 1987 Tjeerd Deelstra and Allan R. Ruff.

Cover and Layout: Henk Berkman.

Volume 1. of "Urban and Regional Studies"

(Tjeerd Deel8tra, Editor)

I I I

i

CONTENTS

IntY'oduction

1.0 AMSTERDAM

BIJLMERMEER

2

.0

LOUIS LE

ROI

3

.

0

DELFT

4

.

0

THE USE OF NATIVE PLANTS

5

.

0

THE HEEM

PA

RK

6

.

0

HAARLEM

7

.

0

APPRAISAL

8

.0

SUMMARY

AND CONCLUSIONS

PostscY'ipt

,

, ....

17

31 39 59 65 87 97

103

117

IntY'odu

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It is now eight years since Holland and the Ecological Landscape was first published and almost two decades since the events it described first began. In those years many changes have be said that many of the taken much further by occurred.

ideas the

Most gratifyingly, it can book contained have been

landscape architects and those involved in urban conservation, in many countries of the world. Whilst somewhat paradoxically, in Holland itself there are signs that the events of the seventies are being quietly confined to history. Both events could be regarded as good reasons for leaving the book to gather dus t on the shelf, a small contribution to the urban green movement. But this would leave the story incomplete and would be amistake for two reasons • Firstly, because of a continuing interest in those pioneering ecological landscapes; and. secondly because it provides an opportunity to restate the reasons that prornpted their development. Today many people frorn Britain, Sweden, Canada and elsewhere visit Holland to see those landscapes that inspired changes in concept and techniques in their own countries. Sometimes, today's visitors are disappointed for not only has time reduced the impac t of those landscapes but sorne municipalities have modified their form and func tion. So this revised vers ion of Holland and the Ecological Landscape includes observation of those case studies since 1973 and seeks to give sorne account of their success and failure. In a few cases, a number of other examples have been included where this helps to provide a more complete picture of the developments which emerged in the 19705. Also for the purposes of cornpleteness, the earl ier case studies are included in an abridged form. For those familiar with the earl ier publication this will be repetitious but for new readers it will provide a background to the aims and objectives of the projects,

most significantly some characterised the 19705.

the techniques invol ved and perhaps sense of the utopian optimism that

One further note should be added concerning the use of the description 'ecological landscape'. Today ecology is of ten used synonymous ly wi th the word na t ure.

writings of such people as Rachel Carson, in 'The Silent Spring'; and other leading scientific propagandists like Erlich and

Commoner. Their message was that the proper study of Ecology was

man and his interrelationship with his biological and physical

environment. The description of that relationship was

ecological. The focus of that relationship, for myself as a

landscape architect, was the urban environment and in particular

the green spaces of the city. So much of this was the result of

post-war planning and in many respects it completely overlooked

the ecological dimension. Natural processes had been ignored and

wildlife overlooked in its making whilst a relationship between

people and their surroundings was non-existent. Hence the need

for an ecological landscape, a need which has not diminished in the 80s though the subject of study seems to have moved from man to nature.

The Ecological Landscape

The reasons for the development of an ecological approach to urban landscape varies from country to country, and though there is usually a general desire for more natural surroundings, the

events that trigger this desire are of ten quite different. In

Holland it is important to appreciate that the landscapes of the

70s were par t of a gener a I reac tion to pos t-war c,hanges in

society and environment which affected many aspects of Dutch life.

At the beginning of the 20th century, Holland had been little influenced by the industrial revolution that had dominated the

economic and social life of Britain in the previous decades. It

retained a largely agrarian economy and the medieval cities of the wes tern provinces had expanded li ttle beyond the ir forti Eed

canals and moats. The first major expansion plan was produced

for Amsterdam south in 1915 by the architect Hendrike Berlage.

Though some expansion took place in subsequent years, the

situation changed dramatically af ter 1945. The Second World War

left Holland in a ne ar bankrupt condition, large parts of cities like Rotterdam and Arnhem were in ruins, fertile polders in the south-west were again under water and the far-eastern colonies, on which so much foreign trade depended were occupied and soon to

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become independent. Strict Government measures were necessary to restore the economie base of the country; and this ineluded the development of Rotterdam as the port of Europe. This lead to the emergenee of many new industries partieularly in the petrochemical field. There was also a pressing need for housing; in 1945 a quarter of a million families needed homes, out of a total of two and a quarter million. This number would be greatly increased by the influx of immigrants from the former eolonies and later, the dependants of the 'guest workers ' . This necessitated a massive house building programme which took the form of suburbs and new towns around each of the old centres of the western provinces • From the 50s this region would be referred to as the Randstad or the Ring City.

The New Suburbs

To achieve the building programme, politicians, planners and architects, as in all European countries, turned without reservation to the use of systemised, mechanical building methods. The resulting 'slab' block had been proposed earlier, by amongst others, the Swiss architect Le Corbusier but it had not been universa11y adopted unti1 the 1950s. lts use introduced an entire1y new concept in urban design and urban living. Like large pieces of mono1ithic sculpture, the blocks were arranged arbitrarily in their surroundings, which were no more than close mown grass and a seattering of trees. Perhaps because Corbusier had argued that in the machine age nature was to be spiritually enjoyed through 'sun, sky, grass and trees'. In rea1ity the slab block broke with one of the most fundamental human psychological needs, that of distinguishing between the public and private domain. By disposing of the street, the new architecture also removed the front and back of the house. Later architects sought to overcome this deficiency by arranging, or linking, the bloeks so as to enclose semi-private court yards. Then the problem was of how to fill these voids. In some countries, including Britain and Sweden, no at tempt was made and they were left windswept, unused and of ten menacing. From the beginning of the 1960s, the response in Holland was to fill them with woody vegetation, 'the Bosplantsoenen " which changed in constituents from largely

gained influence. Today, 25 years la ter, the suburbs of the sixties throughout the Randstad towns are being submerged under

this new urban forest. It was against this background that the

first case study of the Bijlmermeer was developed.

The Silent Revolution

Trees, however, do not make a social environment, they can only

contribute to the physical surroundings. By the la te 1960s

strong feelings were beginning to emerge in the Netherlands that the rate of change had been too great and price paid for it too

high. A genera 1 reaction against post-war materialism erupted in

the student riots of 1968 in Berlin and Paris. In Holland their

couterpart was the more peaceful demonstrations of the Provos , later the Green Gnomes, who were a group of young people concerned about the environment and the economie circumstances

that produced it. The concerns of this Group led to a wider

agitation for political and social change and for those concerned with the planning and design of the environment, these feelings had to be expressed through architecture, town planning and landscape design.

The following extrac t from a pamphlet produced for the Minis try of Cultural Affairs, Recreation and Social Welfare in connection with the 1976 Vienna Biennale indicates the spirit of that silent revolution.

"Sinee the Provos and subsequently stimulated by the activities

of 1968 many ac tion groups have come into he ing. These are

frequently supported by students with revolutionary ideas from

the schools of architecture, social science and law. Apart from

the realisation that those members of society who already have problems are left to fend for themselves, these groups further a conciousness that the current economie growth must not be allowed

to continue. Too much has been sacrificed already, and for what?

Members of a community are now refusing to be rehoused in a new

home, far from their family, friends and the pub. They flatly

refuse to be removed from their community, which has its problems, admittedly, but which offers security, where you can

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make contact with people, where you can, to a certain extent,

expand. They refuse to be removed from surroundings with which

they can identify. The old neighbourhoods are smartened up,

streets are closed off to make parking difficult, flowers and shrubs are planted by the front-doors, the houses are painted in

a fresh colour. The realisation that if one agrees to be

rehoused, one will have to pay a rent that is far too high, leads to political action.

Ideas Change

Public authorities are now stimulating a move towards the renovation of older residential areas and infill of the gaps with

new buildings of an appropriate style and scale. This means a

re-education within the building professions and an adjustment of

the machinery within the construction industry. If the speed of

construction of new dwellings could be more critically planned and the scale reduced, it would be possible to experience again a

direct contact between inhabitant and designer. In reaction to

the deathly sterility and the consistently high rents of new

home s the re has been a not iceable growth in in teres t in the

positive identity of older districts. More and more frequently

they are being done up and adapted to the present day requirements, at the same time attempting to retain the existing

charac ter. Such areas, that have clearly grown organically,

offer greater possibilities for displaying the identities of the

inhabitants. Surely it must be possible to build new viabIe

homes which, while meeting the material needs of today, still form a neighbourhood which has its own character.

The Needs of House-dwellers

The quality of the living environment is not only determined by

the fulfilment of material needs of people. It is becoming more

and more obvious that the social quality of the environment is as

important, if not more 50. Although it is possible for the human

be ing to adapt himsel f to all kinds of environment, i t appears

In a monotonous environment feel ings of lonel iness, boredom and

estrangement develop. People had a need to be able to orient

themselves, to be able to explore and to communicate. One must

be able to let oneself follow the cycle of nature, but also the

lifecycle of the human. Close to home, one must be able to

expe r ience the processes of the chang ing of the seasons, the

contrasts of day and night, or sun and rain; to come into

contact with and to experience wildlife and the nature of human

existence; to observe processes of birth, life and death; to

know what it is to be young and to grow old. The need to explore

develops from the need to orient oneself. It must be possible to

discover your surroundings and to know that it is there that you belong.

Children must be given a secure and spacious environment in which to develop their motor skilis, to grow intellectually and

emotionally. They must be able to discover that there are

different forms of activity and work. One must be tempted to

investigate further afield. People must have the opportunity to

adapt and change their surroundings. One should be free to alter

ones house or to construct a dovecote. It must be possible to

organise a street party or a festival procession. This kind of

social event indicates not only the need to explore, but also to

communicate. People need contacts. It should not only be

possible to meet people at the shops, the doctor's, at school or

in the pub or community centre, but also in the street. Within

the neighbourhood there must be all sorts of outdoor corners and places where you can meet people, not jus t br iefly, but to stop

and talk. If you want to arrange a social happening, the

neighbourhood must be able to offer the necessary space.

However, the neighbourhood experience should not exclude the awareness that the local group fits into a larger social

community. The design of housing developments must not be based

on the non-existent average inhabitant. The specific needs of

every group in soc iety must be satisfied within the housing

environment. There mus t be room for everyone. We must ensure

Perspective

The initiative has been taken in the Netherlands, as elsewhere, by residents and designers, that could lead to a form of living that does justice to the real needs of people. Our aim is to point out the initiatives that have been taken, but to emphasize that this occurred at the fringes of the present socio-political, economic and technological system.

The gap which exists between the real needs of people and the choice wi th which they are confronted on the free market is great. There is a feeling of estrangement; there is no room for 'architecture without architects'. The only escape is to attempt superficial changes in the home, within the very limited possibilities, or to turn to such forms of recreational accommodation as caravans or summerhouses on allotments or in leisure gardens. Residents - whether or not organised into ac tion groups - as much as professionals, would like to bring about changes in this situation.

The main changes in the housing process are brought about by those groups characterised by their social approach. Professional designers can build further upon this, espécially by adapting their technical knowledge to society, There must, of course, be more room for amateur design, but this is not the point; it is the duty of the professionals to concern themselves wi th the peop Ie.

The actions of the residents and the ideas of the designers appear to followon from one another.

Most interesting (more so than the agreement of the ideas) is the co-operation between residents and designers. A few years ago, those involved in such projects were designers performing a double role - working for an authority or a firm during the day, for an action group in the evening, or students of those living on social security. Not that there is much more true experimentation; new concepts of professional practice are linked with the residents' new ideas of living. The important

-number of dwellings that are, nevertheless, required short-term. Characteristics of the experiment are handworkmanshlp and

capacity for improvisation; through these groups the acts of

building and living are brought into new relationships with one

another. But what is going to have to be al tered wi thln the

socio-economie system if we wish to build at a small scale and to

decen tral ize the dec is i on-making concerning our homes? Ac t ion

can take place at two levels.

- Through a general attempt to change the socIo-economie

structure. The real needs of people must be put before profits.

- Through a search for alternatives within the design

profess ions. On the one hand there mus t be room for des ign by

non professionals. On the other, trained designers must respond

to people's needs, possibly involving other disciplines (sociology, psychology, ecology, etc.)

The way in which the present socio-economie system works leaves

little room for real solutions. If the first action level is

lost to sight, isolated alternatives develop. If no action is

taken at the second level, then nothing will happen. The work

has be be done at both levels."

1.0

AMSTERDAM BIJLMERMEER

The Bij lmermeer, commenced in 1960, was the las t of Ams terdam 's

extensions and was intended for a population of 100,000. It was

also planned as a showpiece for a new concept in urban living and as such it comes closest to realising Corbusier's Villa Radieuse.

The framework of the suburb is provided by the main e1evated

arter ia1 roads. One runs a10ng the southern edge whilst the

other divides the site, running north/south.

to raise these on pilotis, but extensive

It is not possib1e

planting a10ng the embankments gives an impression of the landscape f10wing over the

top rather than underneath. From the arteria1 roads run service

roads which terminate in large parking b10cks adjacent to each

housing unit. These roads surround the traffic-free, residentia1

cells. The housing units within these ce11s are most1y

eight-storey, white mono1ithic b10cks arranged into inter10cking

hexagona1s. The b10cks enclose communa1 gardens which range in

size from two to five hectares. The on1y rea1 difference from

the Corbusian model for these b10cks and their courts is the

variation in form and reduced height. This was due to the 10wer

10ad bearing capacity of the soil and the high water tab1e.

However, there was a very

landscape. The landscape

real change in the design of the

archi tec ts in the Amsterdam Parks

Department began to appreciate the socia1 and physica1

imp1ications of such a 1ayout and the inhuman sca1e of the

architecture. There wou1d be prob1ems of se1f-identity caused by

an inevitab1e loss of privacy, whi1st the variab1e micro-c1imate resu1ting from the resistance presented by the 80-metre high b10cks to an a1most constant North Sea wind, wou1d resu1t in

considerab1e physica1 discomfort. Moreover, conventiona1

landscape treatments would not overcome these prob1ems and in the meantime it would, as the Official Report states, 'be unthinkab1e to force residents to live for many years with the earliest stages of cu1tivation because of the use of conventiona1

methods.' (1) The designers saw the on1y way to overcome these

prob1ems was by extending the techniques of the Amsterdams Bos

into the urban housing landscape.

recreational woodland in the mid 1930s. Here the designers' intention had been to create a woodland with all the character of a north-west European forest and consequently, native species

were predominantly used in the initial planting. The site of the

Forest Park was a recently reclaimed polder, as such it had a variabie soil, places of poor drainage and was exposed to the

winds blowing in from the North Sea. The success of the Forest

Park in drying out the soil, creating shelter and above all providing an attractive facility, used by 40-60,000 visitors during fine summer weekends now provided an inspiration for the designers at Bijlmermeer.

Some idea of the new attitudes can be appreciated from the following extract from Amsterdam's 'Official Guide to Green

Space' :

'In laying out the open spaces in Bijlmermeer , attention was

mainly focussed on the inhabitants. That is why the bundled

green space is again subdivided into smaller, shel tered compartments for the residents to feel protected, and to give

prominence to all facets of recreation. Tall screens of greenery

were then placed along the facades, so that their height is broken and their overpowering effect is mitigated for people

outside. Particular emphasis was laid on the planting of trees.

Instead of pretty gardens there will be natural-looking wooded areas and shrubbery.

Fast growing trees were planted, such as popI ar and willows which

reach maturity in a short time. These were complemented by

stockwood such as beech, moutain ash, hawthorn, hornbeam, spindie tree, flowering currant, hazel, oak and hedges such as yew, privet and elder.

The landscape archi tec ts at Bij lmermeer have gone out of their

way to try and imitate nature as much as possible. That 's why

plants, such as cornflowers and brambie, poppy, clover, dandelion

and dog's tooth are allowed to grow wild. This calls for another

kind of upkeep, no neat lawn edges.

The green in Bijlmermeer has a specific function. Rows of trees

planted in certain ways and placed near the facades in the right position have to break the winds and prevent them from beating

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down on the flats. Trees and shrubs temper the elements and offer protection. The aged residents as we11 as children have their sunny, wind sheltered spots. Everything in this district is part of an experience in living ••• '

Living with Greenery

Parks Division - Amsterdam Public Works Dept. (2)

1.1 The Wood land Structure

The woodland structure at the Bijlmermeer can be described under three headings:

0) the Roadside Verges, (2) the Urban Periphery, and (3) the Inner Courts.

(1) The Roadside Verges

The planting along the roads was used to screen the traffic from view, so lessening its psychological impac tand reduc ing heavy particulate pollution. On the Expressways there is a wide verge of 50 metrès which is reduced to 20 metres alongside secondary service roads. Research by Raod, Parks Direc tor at Rot terdam (since retired), and others has shown that planting laid out in overlapping strips reflects noise better than a homogenous mass (3). This prac t ice has been adopted on the Expressways

A -Popla,.. leUlr thinned

B - Foren species. lik. aak and Mapla .

_ A special thick

ad"

by tha roackicM inc:r . . . . tha noi .. Nductlon

1. SERVICE ACCESS

2. WOODED TRANSITIONAL ZONE

3. PLAY MEADOW

4. CHILDREN'S PLAY. SITIING. etc.

DIAG .... 2 Inl~I'1I.1 ('()urty.rd 10l'lina;. BijlnwrmHr.

Amstrrdam. Consickrllton of dimtil' (untIÎGrI and .eli·

"uw!. rnuhs bi. detr (ramrwork (or Itw rfSidtoftli.l com.

(Sourcc: DitflSl dtr Puh(irk, Wf'rkm. Am.urrJomlC191 Photo 1. The Bijlmermeer.

peripheral planting

(Diagram 1). On the secondary roads a more homogenous mass has

been used. Beck (1967) has examined the efficiency of different

tree and shrub species in reducing noise (4). A correlation of

the species used along the road verges and their known decibel reduction serves to show the effectiveness of this planting

(Table 1).

(2) The Urban Periphery

The woodland planting around the periphery has three functions:

(a) to reduce the scale of the buildings for those approaching

along the pedestrian routeways;

(b) to provide a harmonious link with the surrounding polder

landscape;

(c) to provide small recreation features close to the housing

blocks.

The southern edge of Bijlmermeer illustrates how a narrow strip barely 200 metres wide, can be treated to give a completely

natural appearance to a small neighbourhood park. The fisherman

2

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TABLE

Trees and Shrubs used for Roadside Planting at Bijlmerrneer

Species Alnus glutinosa Betula verrucosa Cornus alba Corylus avellana Forsythia x intermedia Crataegus monogyna Sambucus nigra Quercus robur Viburnum lantana Tilia platyphyllos Acer pseudo-plantanus

Noise Reduc t ion

4-6 dB

6-8 dB

8-10 dB

10-12 dB

Based upon Beck 1967)

on the river bank is totally screened hom the buildings and is aware only of the sights, sounds and smells of nature. Equally important, the height of the blocks from the pedestrian approach route has been greatly foreshortened by the peripheral wood land.

(3) The Inner Courts

The most significant advance at the Bijlmerrneer was in the treatment of the Inner Courts. This began, at the planning stage, with a careful climatological analysis, seen as 'a pre-requisite for laying-out these areas in a responsible manner I .

Determining factors in this analysis were the position of the sun in spring and autumn, and the effect of wind in relationship to the buildings. Following this analysis, the courts were zoned by relating function and planting in the following way (Diagram 2).

Zone The Access Zone. The gallery side of the court is

subject to the full force of the downward air movement off the

side of the building and this makes conditions unpleasant and

prolonged stays improbable. So the area is zoned for pedestrian

and cycle access using a hard surface of stone or asphalt.

Zone II The Transitional Zone. A short distance away from the

block the wind begins to eddy and planting is used here to break

up the turbulence. Pioneer species like poplar and alder have

been used, along with other wind tolerant species, like elm.

This planting is used elsewhere in the court wherever wind

turbulence is expec ted. The transition zone planting is also

placed close to the block so as to diminish its scale from within the court and to prevent observation of people in the court by

those in the building.

This intimacy and smallness of scale is accentuated by mounds

used in conjunction with the planting. On the inner side of this

planting, more vulnerable species have been used in an irregular arrangement so as to create smaller private spaces for individual use.

Photo 2. The Bijlmermeer

The inner court, the acces

zone.

22

Photo 3. The Bijlmermeer.

Hl""" " " ' " P"hM er 'MI'''" J H! h \I ""'"'_!I _ e , _.,M' " ,

Zone 111 The Central Zone. The centre of the court lies half in

sun and half in shade depending on the time of day and this

coolness makes the zone ideal for ac t ive games, like football,

netball, etc.

Zone I - The Access Zone. On the sunny side of the court, the

apartments are provided with balconies , whilst at ground level the play spaces and sitting areas are arranged into a series of

connec ted spaces • Mounds and pioneer species have again been

used to create shelter, particularly around the play spaces, though the plant material is without thorns, as this is thought

to be more friendly. In many courts, or on their periphery, an

additional element is the water courses that have been located in full sun so that the rapidly warmed water wiU provide good

facilities for waterside activities. Af ter this climatic zoning,

detailed proposals were made for each court.

1.2 Plant Selection

A Further innovation at Bijlmermeer came with the selection of

Photo 4. The Bijlmermeer. The inner court the Bun zone .

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Sourc.: Dienst der Publiek. w.rk . . Arnt1ef'dIIm

plant material. Whereas in the gardenesque landscape, trees and shrubs were selected primarily for visual effect, for example, shape, colour, seasonal interest etc., the planting at Bijlmermeer had to achieve a natural wood land appearance in the shortest possible time; this naturalness eventually bringing its own aesethetic quality. To understand this planting, the designers categorised the woodl'and into its four main components:

(1) Principal Species. These are the main woodland dominants or co-dominants as in a natural wood land. These are Dak (Quercus robur and Q. petraea) but also Ash (Fraxins excelsior), Beech (Fagus syl vat ica) and occasionally Pine (p inus syl vestris ). In certain exposed or pioneer circumstances, Elm, Poplar, Birch and Alder also used to form associations.

The percentage of these species example, shelter, filtering, association desired.

is determined by function, for screening and the ecological

(2) Filler Species. These are the other species found in a woodland, though they are not always present in a natural woodland. The give diversity, of ten through colour in leaf and flower, e.g. Whitebeam (Sorbus aria), Bird Cherry (Prunus avium), Gean (Prunus padus), Rowan (Sorbus aucuparia), etc.

(3) Pioneer Species. These are fast growing species that naturally colonise bare or disturbed ground, e.g. Poplar (Populus alba, P. tremula, P. serotina), Alder (Alnus glutinosa), Birch (Betuia pendula and B. verrucosa) and Willow (e.g. Salix cinerea, Salix viminalis) etc. These species are used in the same way as in forestry, to screen and shelter other species. The particular species used are dependent on soil type and moisture conditions. The are progress ively removed during the early years of the woodland except in specific areas, e.g. low-lying wet areas, dry mounds, etc. Such areas may be specifically created to give diversity to the planting.

(4) Edge Species. These species are found naturally between the wood land edge and the open grassland, that is, just in or outside

the forest canopy. These species serve three functions:

Photo 5. The Bijlmermeer A child at workin the garden

Phot,o 6. The· Bij lmermeer. A more natural treatment of

the waters edge.

1. ecological, in that for wildlife the most diverse and

valuable part of the wood land is its edge;

2. visual, in that it creates a more natural effect;

3. cultural, because many of the species are thorny, e.g. rose,

bramble, hawthorn (i.e. pioneer species of the thicket

stage) and they protec t the plan ting on the inside. Their

irregular and untidy growth also prevents the tidy minded

mai n tenance operator from mowing up to the wood land

planting. The maximum length of edge should be created by

making it irregular in outline.

A major determinant of plant selection and establishment in all

the western suburbs is the method of building construction. The

high water table prevents the use of deep foundations, so the under-building is buried with a thick layer of inert sea sand. The layer of sand naturally obliterates all existing vegetation so that the new plant communities have to be determined by

eventua1 woodland was to have a character of a peduncu1ate oak

woodland with a rich ground cover - a Quercetum violetum. In

this the Principal, Filler and Pioneer species were arranged in a ratio of 65%: 17.5%: 17.5%.

Plant Grids and Specification

In the early years at Bijlmermeer the planting plan for woodland was in the form of the tradi tional gr id, adopted earl ier at the

Bos Park. One advantage c1aimed for this method was that the

spec ies were plan ted approximate1y as the designer intended. However, the disposition of trees and shrubs is not critica1 in the first fifteen years when all the planting is in the thicket stage.

A grid a1so takes office time to prepare and cannot be accurate1y checked on site by the landscape architect or quantity surveyor. Where an experienced contractor or direct labour force is used a more natural effect can be achieved through the use of a planting

schedule. This gives details of the number to be planted in each

area, according to the ratio of types. Details can also be

Photo 7. The Bijlmermeer.

Removal of the forest planting

Photo 8. The BijZmermeer.

The Acces zone 1987

26

Photo 9. The Bijlmermeer

The "new" simpZified landscape

Photo 10. The Bijlmermeer. The

"open" court yard with exotic planting.

= ,

Photo 11. The Bi jlmermeer The managed landscape.

included of specific requirements, for example, the location of edge species; waterside planting, where plants are to be single or in groups, etc. A planting schedule was adoped at Bijlmermeer in the later phases of development. The pioneer species will subsequently be thinned and in sorne cases replanted with a second generation of pioneer or climax species. To achieve the rapid effect, referred to in the official report, the planting areas are more spacious and the open spaces smaller than they will be in the final stages. As growth. matures, the open spaces will be enlarged to provide a balanced ratio between the vertical and horizontal planes (Diagram 3).

Although most of the grass in the open spaces is kept close-mown, areas of wild plants have been established in sorne small bays.

1.3 Cornmentary

Af ter ten years the landscape at Bijlmermeer has satisfied most of the objectives the designers set for themselves. In sunnner, when most people are in the landscape, the wood land screens the buildings and in the courts, there is sheltered private space even on the most windy days. The Bij lmermeer has success fully extended the techniques pioneered at the Amsterdam Bos (thirty

" ' - - - ' , ,

years earlier) into urban housing. summarised as:

The reasons for this can be

1. The planting and the landscape has ceased to be a decorative

feature and has become a functional, structural element in the external environment.

2. The wood land has c rea ted iden ti f iable spaces which are

physically comfortable.

3. The range of physical sensations has been greatly increased.

4. The opportunities for forma 1 and informal recreation have

also been extended.

5. In management, the landscape is increasingly becoming low

cost/high return, as maintenance decreases and social value increases.

But in spite of its success the landscape Bijlmermeer has seyere limitations, especially in ecological and social terms.

The landscape with its extensive use of native species cannot be

considered natura!. Even when the planting has matured,

acquiring greater naturalness and obscuring human artifacts, the

landscape could not be confused with nature. It still depends,

like the Gardenesque before, on contrast between water, grass and

trees. Where these elements meet, the designer uses such

features as walls, hedges, and kerbs to reinforce and bring

clarity to the design. In the landscape these barriers not only

determine the visual aesthetic but also the behaviour of the

individual. In some cases the messages conveyed are essential to

survival - like kerbs at the edge of the road. Elsewhere they

may inhibit the interaction of the individual with the

environment. At Bijlmermeer, for example, there is little

evidence of children walking into the wood land blocks or digging

up the grass area. In the pas t, this evidence of neatness and

order in the Courts at Bijlmermeer would have been regarded as an indication of success, but in the early 1960s a critical

reappraisal occurred in Dutch society. It was realised that such

barriers were unnatural. In natural areas, like the seaside

dunes, commons, wasteland, with no such barriers social or ecological, tree, shrub and herb communities would imperceptibly

merge, whils t people could dis perse throughout the area. The

only constraint would be real physical barriers, such as steep slopes, wet areas, etc. The next stage was to create an ecological landscape which would allow freedom of expression for wildlife and people, but this obviously called for new techniques and concepts. The means of achieving this are discussed in following sections, but the effect of the change could be seen in these later phases of the Bijlmermeer completed af ter 1970. Here the Inner Courts began to resembie woodland glades rather than gardens. The harsh line around the planting was replaced by a gradual ecotone. The aquatic plants passed imperceptibly into

the longer meadow grass and beyond to the trees and shrubs.

It was almost as though Dutch society and the landscape had come to the edge of a precipice and realised their danger in time. As the biologist, Rene Dubois, has said:

' ••• societies and social groups that have removed themselves into a pleasure garden where all was designed for safety have achieved little else and have died in their smug little world.' (13)

By 1968, there was a growing demand from the inhabitants of the new suburbs for a new 'natural' form of landscape, a landscape which would allow freedom of expression, involvement and habitats

2. 0

LOUIS LE ROI

One of the emergence catalytic

prime reasons for the extent of of a new phi losophy of urban

the de ba te and the landscape was the presence

from the northern

of Louis Le Roi, art town of Heerenveen.

teacher and gardener , Le Roi successfully the 1960s to the urban related the ecological arguments

landscape and though not always of

scientifically accurate, his enthusiasm awakened people to an awareness of their environment.

In his book 'Natuur Ui tschakelen Natuur Inschakelen' Le Roi argued that the country had become divided between two vast monocultures; the rural environment, which contains such activities as farming, forestry and water catchment, and its urban counter-part with housing and industry. Sandwiched between these two was a growing extent of land in public ownership, the urban landscape. Some of this land was accessible in town or country parks but much was inaccessible in motorway verges, roundabouts, airports, etc. This situation had arisen at a time when the individual was coming under increasing pressure for space. If people are fortunate they have a 'tiny house and garden, but cannot move without treading on their neighbour 's toes'. (6)

It has not been possible to provide the necessary space or to satisfy individual needs within the urban landscape. In his plan

Photo 13. Heerenveen The Kennedylaan, informal construction detail.

_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ~J _ _ _ _

Photo 14. Heerenveen. The Kennedylaan, Environmental education in a people's park.

for a new city region, Le Roi proposed that the land between the

two monocultures should be returned to individual use. The land

being divided into parcels for small-scale food production, which

in Le Roi' s example, could be run on mac robiot ic lines. These

parcels would be surrounded by extensive woodlands to screen the

alien monocultures. The woodlands would also provide space for

the making of smal! 'People's Gardens' and the laying out of a

network of footpaths, to overcome the presen t de f ic iency in the

landscape. Nature reserves would be established outside the

region as reservoirs for wildlife. These would be linkedto the

woodlands and new artifical ecosystems would penetrate into the

centre of the town to encourage wildlife into urban areas.

Le Roi;s ideas touched upon a raw nerve of a society which had

seen sweeping changes in both the rural and urban environments.

People, in Le Roi' s words, 'were desperately seeking to find a

compromise between the technology necessary for survival in the

present day and those former values that had been lost or were in the process of being lost by too much technology.' (7)

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Nowhere was this more apparent than in the new suburbs which Le Roi considered were the result of architects and planners prepared only to argue over concepts and who were preoccupied with 'squares and circles' without which they couldn't design. Le Roi echoed the feelings of many when he said that 'the architects and planners lacked the necessary vision and had lost touch wi th the people for whom they planned and the land they

managed.' (7)

Photo 15. Heerenveen.

The Kennedylaan 1987. A faded

dream.

Photo 16. Heerenveen -The

Kennedylaan 1987- neglected and

broken seats.

2.1 The Kennedylaan

Le Roi' s opportunity to try out his ideas on a small scale came

in his home town of Heerenveen. The Town Council made available

a central grass strip between the residential roads, called the

Kennedylaan. This was situated one mile from the city centre.

Le Roi's model for the artificial ecosystem showed theoretically how this area should work.

The reality of the situation in Heerenveen supported Le Roi 's

arguments. The public park which was to service as a reservoir

for wildlife, although visually attractive, was biologically

sterile. Broad hard surfaced paths conduct the visitor around

whilst close-mown grass stretched down into the water. Similar

circumstances were repeated in the housing along the Kennedylaan where the neat and ddy gardens would provide little cover for any dispersing wildlife. Near the end of the artificial ecosystem was a large tarmac-surfaced car park, which, as Le Roi states, totally sterilises the land and dissipates all natural energy from sun or rain.

The al terna ti ve to this si tuation can be wi tnessed barely a

quarter of a mile away on a disused service canal. Here a

derelict canal had been left to nature and a rich profusion of

aquatic plants and animals has resulted. This canal is crossed

by an old wooden bridge and, though designed, the wood reflects the trees from which it was cut and the hand of the craftsman who

made it. There is a harmony between nature and the artifacts of

man which does not exist in the public park but which Le Roi argued was essential to harmony between Man and Nature. Certainly on this stretch of canal people linger to enjoy the

sensual pleasure of nature, whilst exchanging the time of day.

Construction of the Kennedylaan

Such concepts as energy conservation, the spontaneity of nature and vernacular des ign all influenced Le Roi' s ideas of an alternative urban landscape.

Le Roi also believed that once people were freed from the inhibitions of a plan and its dubious aesthetic values, people

j . H . i , . . . H · i iMit"t,/:'MftHrittiri; 'W i ,;

Photo 17. Groningen

Lewenborg. The childrens playground.

Photo 18. Groningen Lew~borg

The meeting plac~.

IJ , N LIl!! wWf!HM' ... 11 '*MP' . - ... , , , _

Photo 19. Groningen Lewenborg.

Residents garden making.

Photo 20. Groningen

Lewenborg. The village pond.

cou1d create their own park - the 'Peop1e' s Park'. In this Le

Roi shared the belief of Simon Nicho1son in England that for too

long 'planning, des ign and cons truc t ion has been considered so

difficu1t that on1y the gifted few, those with degrees,

cert ificates in planning, eng ineer ing, archi tec ture, art ••• and

so on, cou1d solve environmenta1 prob1ems' (7). By using

inexpensive cast-off material, individuals and the community

cou1d derive all the satisfaction that comes from creativity and

the assumption of responsibi1ity for one's environment. (8)

At the same time, Le Roi 's observation of spontaneous natura1 communi ties, 1 ike the growth in the disused service canal, led him to believe that nature wou1d a1ways create variab1e and

therefore beautiful scenes. All that was required was a rich

provision of plant materials, either 'native or exotic for nature recognises no distinction'. In the Kennedy1aan, Le Roi used over 1,000 spec ies of trees, shrubs, herbs, ferns, bulbs, fungi and

mosses. The process of natura1 selection wou1d, Le Roi claimed,

create a rich and diverse habitat within seven years.

The effect of the Kennedylaan, af ter this interval of time, was overwhelming and much of what Le Roi claimed had become a reality, though not with regard to the planting. Through its simplici ty and spontaneity, both in construc tion and planting, the Kennedylaan achieved a quality rarely found in the more conventional municipal park. I t is a quality that derives from the aesthetic of nature. As one enters, all the stress and strain of the surrounding town falls away and is replaced by the sound of birds, the flight of dragonflies , the sight of snails on the hogweed stems. In the shel ter of the trees the sun' s warmth is pleasant and free from glare whilst the trees make pleasing patterns on the path. The senses come alive. At weekends the Kennedylaan is full of people though not in an overcrowded way, for many of them are pursuing activities not associated with the urban landscape - children gathering seed heads for winter display or a family group botanising with a 'Keble Martin'. As Le Roi had said, harmony in nature brings a closeness to nature and between people, so that people stop to talk in a way that would never happen on the pavements to either side.

Although Le Roi 's ideas met with stern opposition amongst some landscape designers and parks officials who believed that he sought to replace design with anarchy, there was widespread acceptance among the people of the Randstad suburbs. In the three years af ter 1968, many Le Roi gardens and playgrounds were made by parents, teachers and even local authorities in response, for example, to requests from members of old people's homes.

Le Roi helped to create a new ecological awareness in society and liberated a creative force which was instrumental in convincing people that they could be responsible for their environment.

The Failure of the Kennedylaan

Set against this positive achievement, the Kennedylaan and the other Le Roi gardens failed in the establishment of vegetation and the making of an artificial ecosystem. The cause of this failure must be attributed to arrogance rather than ignorance. However, in fairness, the fact should not be overlooked that the Kennedylaan was very small for this combined experiment, being only 18 metres wide and 1.5 kilometres long. Once it proved successful there was bound to be a conflict between people and

nature. The collection of seed heads, for example, was also the removal of a seed source for wildlife and continuation of species

in subsequent years. But Le Roi also overlooked the fact that

not all plant communities are species-rich and attractive. Many

are dominated by a small number of highly competitive species.

The appeal of such species as Nettie (Urtica dioica) surely must lie in their scarcity and this diminishes as numbers and extent

increase. The competitive strength of plants was also ignored,

al though this fac t has been recognised and respec ted by

generations of gardeners. The folly of such unusual

interplantings as Festuca ovina Glauca with Sow Thistle (Sonchus olearaceus) was not the visual appearance, but that the more

competitive thistle will always exclude the grass. Although Le

Roi would claim that this was natural selection at work, this fac t was al ready known and the Festuca was therefore lost

needlessly. Equally ill-considered was the random tree planting.

In one section willow, elm, birch and sycamore had all been planted in the same light sandy soil, yet the willow species prefers a titoist humus soil, the elm a deep fertile soil, and though the birch was suited, it is likely to be suppressed by the

sycamore. This species will cause a heavy shade reducing its

attraction to wildlife and visitors alike.

The effect of competitive exclusion and wear and tear, resulting from increased use and the removal of plant material, caused the Kennedylaan and the other Le Roi gardens to move towards

uniformity rather than the promised diversity. By the early

1970s there was a general disillusionment with Le Roi's ideas,

and though his critics saw this as a victory, the

'self-destructive' element of his work may have been its greatest

asset. Had the gardens been entirely successful, Le Roi's ideas

would have further exacerbated the division between the community

and the local authority Parks Department. As it was his

catalytic effect was to bring people and Parks Departments into closer partnership, both concerned with creating a more

satisfactory human ecosystem. As Bengtsson and Bucht summarised

environment, they should not be presented with it as a 'fai t accompli', but should be allowed to help create it. Planning for care and change in the vegetation of a housing area could hopefully be a means for assembling residents for regular discussion of common problems in the external environment.' (9)

How true this was can be shown by the Gillis Estate in Delft which was one of the first experimental landscapes undertaken by alocal authority in the late 1960s.

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:3.

0

DELFT

The 'silent revolution' had been concerned with the rights of the

individual in the democratic society. In landscape terms Le Roi

raised the important question of 'who was the landscape for' and on a small scale had shown that people could design and construct

their own immediate landscape. As Lady Allen of Hurtwood made

clear in her excellent book 'Planning for Play'.

'When we think and plan for play opportuni ties for all ages, we

should never forget that play is not a passive occupation. For

children and young people it is an expression of their desire to

make their own discoveries in their own time and at their own

place. At its best, play is a kind of research, and like all

research at the adult level, it should be an adventure and an

experiment that are greatly enjoyed.

Children and young people in the so-called civilized countries

probably enjoy better living conditions than ever before; good

Jm.,11 _I

!I'

.

still remains immense emotional poverty and privation. There may

be less direct hardship, but we are aware of more depression, more mental illness, more violence, more delinquency and more drug-taking.

The fact has to be faced that modern civilization interferes with

a hard and heavy hand in the spontaneous play of children. The

us e made of land around bui 1 d ings is still, almos t always,

totally unsuitable for children. Most of the vast rebuilding

schemes in many countr ies are horr ible places, planned wi thout

love or understanding. This arrogance, this paucity of

invention, this disregard of the worth and scale of the individual, represents a world-wide disease and is one of the

tragedies of affluence. The designer must devise new means for

es tabl ishing a connec tion be tween the buildings he creates and the people on the ground.

What can be done about it? Much that is charming for children in

and around their homes has been destroyed. Most of the shadow

and mystery that lend enchantment to children' s play have been

swep t away. Modern homes are hygenic and prac tical, and so

cunningly planned that every corner is ut il ised. Gone are the private places where a child could create his own world. Vanished are the gardens where he could keep his pets or enjoy his hobbies, or even watch his father working with real tools.

It is too of ten forgotten, in our brash, practical, modern world, that twilight, shadow and beauty are as important to a growing child as food and air •••

How can we restore sorne of this lost mystery and keep alive keen

sense of curiosity? All children, unless physically ill, have

spontaneous gaiety. When their inherent curiosity and gaiety are

crushed or limited by their living conditions, their vital creative drive mayalso be crushed' (10).

In 1968, the same year that this book was published in the Netherlands, the young planners and landscape designers in Delft

began to develop the most experimental landscape so faro This

landscape, in the suburb of Buitenhof, sought to keep alive a

keen sense of curiosity. It also finally established the

dis,tinction between the social landscape and the gardenesque

park.

3.1 The Early Beginnings

The Parks Department at Delft had been demonstrating a greater concern for children in the urban environment since the

mid-1960s. They had recognised that traditional play spaces and

equipmen t were 'generally of bad func t ion' • In the words of the

Director of the time, H Bos, the metal climbing frames and swings

were 'more sui ted to chimpazees than young children'. In the

suburb of Voorhof, to the south of the city, they began creating spaces they believed would give a 'greater effect of adventure

play' (0). The ,spaces had wooden cl imbing struc tures and play

houses with extensive sand area. These were conventionally sited

alongside the road and for reasons of safety were surrounded by a

4 ft high pall isade fence. However, the fence also kept the

children from mixing freely with the trees and shrubs, whilst the over-elaborate, rigid wood play structures prevented the child

from creatively interacting with its environment. Commonly, when

designers recognise the failure , of metal and concrete they turn

to wood, fail ing to realise that it is a material which is

equally inflexible and unsympathetic to creative play without further social changes.

In a later stage of the Voorhof, the playground was sited in a

pedestrian area, in close proximity to a school. This allowed

the fence to be removed, so that the plants could edge their way

into the playspace and the children could disperse into the

planting. At the same time, the play features were made 1ess

elaborate and complex. Significantly, native trees and shrubs

were used around these spaces , although the rest of the planting

on the Voorhof was in the exotic gardenesque tradition. The

designers were beginning to appreciate that a guiding principle in selecting plants for functional uses is low cost with high performance.

The Spirit of Change

The p1ay spaces of the Voorhog took the conventiona1 landscape to

its 1imits, but as at Bijlmermeer earlier, it was not enough. It

was still the hand of the Parks Department that controlled man

and nature. In the housing landscape, child and adult alike were

surrounded by the artificiality of hard surfaces and ornamental

landscape. P1ay for the younger chi1dren was segregated into

specific locations whi1st there was almost no provision for the

child above 8 years old. Adults too could find no outlet for

their needs and aspirations. In the atmosphere of the late

1960s, the Delft Parks Service realised that a radica1 new

approach had to be adopted towards the urban landscape. It was

further appreciated that with the inhabitants moving into the new suburbs from parts of the town without a tradition of parks and gardens, there was an opportunity to create a new landscape that

matched the new mode of urban living. The feelings of the time

were summed up in an unpub 1 ished report by the th en Direc tor of Parks, Mr H Bos.

spirit of change:

The following extract gives a feeling of the

'At the moment a very fast development is going on in many fields, too fast to be understandable for a lot of people.

This also appl ies to landscape designers as weIl as to the public, both of them developing an increasing interest in the use

and upkeep of city parks, children's p1aygrounds, etc. In short,

the who1e urban landscape.

How did we design our new cities in the post-war pp.riod? We did

it by standards based upon tidiness and order.

In that way, the parks and open spaces we created in our c i ties

could on1y be looked at but they could scarcely be used. In

different cities the new urban landscape is very much alike, everything is complete but monotonous.

Nonetheless a lot is lacking; for example, it is very difficult

for children to play their own games like their parents used to do, who lived in a less over-populated country and could play in

Photo 23. Delft, Gillis

The Hän

d

e

llaan

the streets without a lot of parked cars and dangerous traffic as

th ere is today. At the moment the only freedom of a child is

that which aduits allow him.

When an architect is designing a playground for children, there are all kinds of standards to be taken into consideration, such

as: access to the playground, safety, situation in the sun, a

certain distance from home, the number of children living in the

neighbourhood, upkeep, etc; but in spite of applying all these

standards, it is evident to every spectator that the playground

is not a source of inspiration for the children, it gives them no

opportunity to play their own game. Children ignore the

architect 's good intentions but are delighted to play in other

areas such as water, ditches, or building under construction.

But also for adul ts i t is very difficul t to go the ir own way.

Likewise, the green area between the houses is designed by

standards according to the ideas of the designer.

When the laying-out of the park is finished it is of ten fine to

look at, in practice it is not very useful. People always take a

short cut to the shops for instance so the shrubs have to be