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ST U D IA C ER A N EA Jour nal of t he W aldemar Cer an Re sear ch Cen tr e

for the History and Culture of the Mediterranean Area and South-East Europe Vol. 1, 2011

Studia Ceranea. Journal of the Waldemar Ceran Research Centre

for

the History and Culture of the Mediterranean Area and South-East Europe 1, 2011

Table of contents Articles

MACIEJ KOKOSZKO, KATARZYNA GIBEL-BUSZEWSKA, Kandaulos: the Testimony of Select Sources

GEORGI MINCZEW,

John Chrysostom’s Tale on How Michael Vanquished Satanael – a Bogomil text?

MIROSŁAW J. LESZKA,

The Monk versus the Philosopher: From the History of the Bulgarian-Byzantine War 894–896 ELKA BAKALOVA,

The Perfect Ruler in the Art and Literature of Medieval Bulgaria SŁAWOMIR BRALEWSKI,

The Porphyry Column in Constantinople and the Relics of the True Cross MAŁGORZATA SKOWRONEK,

The First Witnesses: Martha, Longinus and Veronica in the Slavic Manuscript Tradition (initial observations) TERESA WOLIŃSKA,

Constantinopolitan Charioteers and Their Supporters DIMO CHESHMEDJIEV,

Notes on the Cult of the Fifteen Tiberioupolitan Martyrs in Medieval Bulgaria KIRIŁ MARINOW,

In the Shackness of the Evil One: Portrayal of Tsar Symeon I the Great (893–927) in the Oration on the Peace with the Bulgarians

ANNA-MARIA TOTOMANOVA, A Lost Byzantine Chronicle in Slavic Translation IVELIN IVANOV,

Tsar Samuel against Emperor Basil II: Why Did Bulgaria Loose the Battle with the Byzantine Empire at the Beginning of the 11th Century

Book reviews

Journal of the Waldemar Ceran Research Centre

for

the History and Culture of the Mediterranean Area and South-East Europe

STUDIA CERANEA

Vol. 1, 2011

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3

Table of contents

From the Editorial Board . . . . 5

Articles

Maciej Kokoszko, Katarzyna Gibel-Buszewska, Kandaulos: the Testimony of Select Sources . . . .11 Georgi Minczew, John Chrysostom’s Tale on How Michael Vanquished Satanael – a Bogomil text? . . . . 23 Mirosław J . Leszka, The Monk versus the Philosopher: From the History

of the Bulgarian-Byzantine War 894–896 . . . . 55 Elka Bakalova, The Perfect Ruler in the Art and Literature

of Medieval Bulgaria . . . . 71 Sławomir Bralewski, The Porphyry Column in Constantinople

and the Relics of the True Cross . . . . 87 Małgorzata Skowronek, The First Witnesses . Martha, Longinus

and Veronica in the Slavic Manuscript Tradition (Initial Observations) . . . . 101 Teresa Wolińska, Constantinopolitan Charioteers and Their Supporters . . . . . 127 Dimo Cheshmedjiev, Notes on the Cult of the Fifteen Tiberioupolitan Martyrs in Medieval Bulgaria . . . . 143 Kirił Marinow, In the Shackles of the Evil One: The Portrayal of Tsar Symeon I the Great (893–927) in the Oration ‘On the Treaty with the Bulgarians’ . . . . 157 Anna-Maria Totomanova, A Lost Byzantine Chronicle in Slavic Translation . . .191 Ivelin Ivanov, Tsar Samuel Against Emperor Basil II: Why Did Bulgaria Loose the Battle with the Byzantine Empire at the Beginning of the 11

th

Century . . . . 205

Studia Ceranea

Journal of the Waldemar Ceran Research Center for the History and Culture of the Mediterranean Area and South-East Europe

1, 2011

University of Łódź, Poland Editorial Board

Georgi Minczew (Editor-in-Chief), Mirosław J . Leszka (Co-Editor-in-Chief)

Kirił Marinow (Scientific Secretary), Małgorzata Skowronek (Scientific Secretary), Andrzej Kompa, Karolina Krzeszewska (Secretary)

Address of the Editorial Board ul . Kopcińskiego 8/12 pok . 1 .29 90–232 Łódź, Polska

www .ceraneum .uni .lodz .pl s .ceranea@uni .lodz .pl Editorial Council

Hana Gladková (Charles University in Prague), James Douglas Howard-Johnston (Corpus Christi College, Oxford), Ewald Kislinger (University of Vienna), Eliza Małek (University of Łódź), Józef Naumowicz (Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw), Szymon Olszaniec (Nicolaus Copernicus University of Toruń), Stefano Parenti (Pontifical Atheneum of St . Anselm, Rome), Rustam Shukurov (Lomonosov Moscow State University), Yuri Stoyanov (University of London)

Reviewers

Adelina Angusheva-Tihanov (University of Manchester), Krystyna Bartol (Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań), Jarosław Dudek (University of Zielona Góra), Shaun Tougher (Cardiff University), Martin Hurbanič (Comenius University in Bratislava), Srđan Pirivatrić (Institute for Byzantine Research, Belgrade)

Linguistic editors

for English – Frederick Lauritzen, for Russian – Ivan Petrov, for Italian – Stefano Parenti Edition is financed by:

The City of Łódź Office

Dean of the Faculty of Philology, University of Łódź, Poland

Dean of the Faculty of Philosophy and History, University of Łódź, Poland Cover designed by

Sebastian Buzar

On the cover: Fragment of a peacock-arch with the dedicatory inscription (cf . Greek Anthology, I, 10, 30–31: [ὃσσα δὲ σὴ θε]οπείθεα δώματα τεύχει [οὐδ᾽αὐτὴ δεδάηκας]); Anicia Juliana’s Church of St . Polyeuctus in Constantinople, 524–527 A .D . (Archaeological Museum, Istanbul, nr inv . 71 .115 T)

Recommended by Łódź University Press

ul . W . Lindleya 8, 90–131 Łódź, Polska Printed by

Tip-Top Publishing House 102, Vasil Levski blvd, 1527 Sofia, Bulgaria Printed in Bulgaria

© Copyright by Ceraneum, Łódź 2011 All rights reserved .

ISSN 2084-140X

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Table of contents

From the Editorial Board . . . . 5

Articles

Maciej Kokoszko, Katarzyna Gibel-Buszewska, Kandaulos: the Testimony of Select Sources . . . .11 Georgi Minczew, John Chrysostom’s Tale on How Michael Vanquished Satanael – a Bogomil text? . . . . 23 Mirosław J . Leszka, The Monk versus the Philosopher: From the History

of the Bulgarian-Byzantine War 894–896 . . . . 55 Elka Bakalova, The Perfect Ruler in the Art and Literature

of Medieval Bulgaria . . . . 71 Sławomir Bralewski, The Porphyry Column in Constantinople

and the Relics of the True Cross . . . . 87 Małgorzata Skowronek, The First Witnesses . Martha, Longinus

and Veronica in the Slavic Manuscript Tradition (Initial Observations) . . . . 101 Teresa Wolińska, Constantinopolitan Charioteers and Their Supporters . . . . . 127 Dimo Cheshmedjiev, Notes on the Cult of the Fifteen Tiberioupolitan Martyrs in Medieval Bulgaria . . . . 143 Kirił Marinow, In the Shackles of the Evil One: The Portrayal of Tsar Symeon I the Great (893–927) in the Oration ‘On the Treaty with the Bulgarians’ . . . . 157 Anna-Maria Totomanova, A Lost Byzantine Chronicle in Slavic Translation . . .191 Ivelin Ivanov, Tsar Samuel Against Emperor Basil II: Why Did Bulgaria Loose the Battle with the Byzantine Empire at the Beginning of the 11

th

Century . . . . 205

Studia Ceranea

Journal of the Waldemar Ceran Research Center for the History and Culture of the Mediterranean Area and South-East Europe

1, 2011

University of Łódź, Poland Editorial Board

Georgi Minczew (Editor-in-Chief), Mirosław J . Leszka (Co-Editor-in-Chief)

Kirił Marinow (Scientific Secretary), Małgorzata Skowronek (Scientific Secretary), Andrzej Kompa, Karolina Krzeszewska (Secretary)

Address of the Editorial Board ul . Kopcińskiego 8/12 pok . 1 .29 90–232 Łódź, Polska

www .ceraneum .uni .lodz .pl s .ceranea@uni .lodz .pl Editorial Council

Hana Gladková (Charles University in Prague), James Douglas Howard-Johnston (Corpus Christi College, Oxford), Ewald Kislinger (University of Vienna), Eliza Małek (University of Łódź), Józef Naumowicz (Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński University in Warsaw), Szymon Olszaniec (Nicolaus Copernicus University of Toruń), Stefano Parenti (Pontifical Atheneum of St . Anselm, Rome), Rustam Shukurov (Lomonosov Moscow State University), Yuri Stoyanov (University of London)

Reviewers

Adelina Angusheva-Tihanov (University of Manchester), Krystyna Bartol (Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań), Jarosław Dudek (University of Zielona Góra), Shaun Tougher (Cardiff University), Martin Hurbanič (Comenius University in Bratislava), Srđan Pirivatrić (Institute for Byzantine Research, Belgrade)

Linguistic editors

for English – Frederick Lauritzen, for Russian – Ivan Petrov, for Italian – Stefano Parenti Edition is financed by:

The City of Łódź Office

Dean of the Faculty of Philology, University of Łódź, Poland

Dean of the Faculty of Philosophy and History, University of Łódź, Poland Cover designed by

Sebastian Buzar

On the cover: Fragment of a peacock-arch with the dedicatory inscription (cf . Greek Anthology, I, 10, 30–31: [ὃσσα δὲ σὴ θε]οπείθεα δώματα τεύχει [οὐδ᾽αὐτὴ δεδάηκας]); Anicia Juliana’s Church of St . Polyeuctus in Constantinople, 524–527 A .D . (Archaeological Museum, Istanbul, nr inv . 71 .115 T)

Recommended by Łódź University Press

ul . W . Lindleya 8, 90–131 Łódź, Polska Printed by

Tip-Top Publishing House 102, Vasil Levski blvd, 1527 Sofia, Bulgaria Printed in Bulgaria

© Copyright by Ceraneum, Łódź 2011 All rights reserved .

ISSN 2084-140X

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4 Studia Ceranea 1, 2011, p. 5-7

Book Reviews

Apokryfy syryjskie . Historia i przysłowia Achikara . Grota skarbów . Apokalipsa Pseudo-Metodego, trans . A . Tronina, ed . A . Tronina, M . Starowieyski –

Małgorzata Skowronek . . . . 215 Иван Божилов, Анна-Mария Тотоманова, Иван Билярски,

Борилов Синодик . Издание и превод –

Jan Mikołaj Wolski . . . . 218 Urszula Wójcicka, Literatura staroruska z elementami historii kultury dawnej Rusi – Zofia Brzozowska . . . . 222 Uczniowie Apostołów Słowian . Siedmiu Świętych Mężów, ed . Małgorzata

Skowronek, Georgi Minczew –

Mirosław J . Leszka, Kirił Marinow . . . . 226 Andrej Škoviera, Svätí Slovanskí Sedmopočetníci –

Georgi Minczew . . . . 228 Konstantynopol – Nowy Rzym . Miasto i ludzie w okresie wczesnobizantyńskim, ed . Mirosław J . Leszka, Teresa Wolińska –

Błażej Cecota . . . . 230 Piotr Łukasz Grotowski, Święci wojownicy w sztuce bizantyńskiej (843–1261) . Studia nad ikonografią uzbrojenia i ubioru –

Teresa Wolińska . . . . 232 Rafał Kosiński, The Emperor Zeno Religion and Politics –

Mirosław J . Leszka . . . . 235 Анна-Мария Тотоманова, Из историята на българския език –

Ivan Petrov . . . . 236

Abbreviations . . . . 239 Guidelines for the authors . . . . 243

From the Editorial Board

The scholarly journal presented here, entitled Studia Ceranea . Journal of the Waldemar Ceran Research Centre for the History and Culture of the Mediterranean Area and South-East Europe, is a periodical supervised by the above-mentioned in- stitution – Ceraneum for short – a unit brought to life by decision of the Senate of the University of Łódź in February 2011 .

Professor Waldemar Ceran (1936–2009) was among the most prominent fig- ures in the Polish humanities, especially in the field of Byzantine studies . He was for many years the director of first the Department, then the Chair of Byzantine History, University of Łódź – the first and largest of such academic units in Poland . Throughout his long-lasting and prosperous academic career, he performed a number of significant duties . In particular, he was the director of the Institute of History, University of Łódź, as well as the president (subsequently honorary president) of the Commission of Byzantine Studies at the Committee of Ancient Culture, Polish Academy of Sciences (the Polish national committee of the Association Internationale des Études Byzantines) . He was the immediate student and closest collaborator of Prof . Halina Evert-Kappesowa, the doyen of Byzantine studies in Łódź . He received substantial specialized training from such foreign masters of the field as Prof . Paul Lemerle or Prof . Nina V . Pigulevskaya . Professor Ceran, an expert on the history of the Byzantine Empire in its entire temporal extent and diverse aspects, specialized in the history of Antioch during Late Antiquity, the relations between the Church and the Byzantine state as well as the history of the Mount Athos monasteries . An out- standing polymath and enthusiast of the classical languages . An unparalleled speaker and lecturer . An indefatigable propagator of ancient and medieval history (espe- cially of the Byzantine Empire) . An exceptionally well-mannered man of amiable disposition . An idol and mentor of a whole group of scholars, reviewer of numerous doctoral, habilitation and professorial theses . Thus, the decision to name the newly founded Centre after Him seemed only natural to the founding members . Besides, the creation of Ceraneum in a way fulfils the aspirations of Professor Ceran himself . He devoted all his life to developing the Byzantine studies community in Poland and popularizing the research on the history of the Eastern Roman Empire .

The founders of Ceraneum, as well as of the newly created journal, are the em-

ployees of two academic units of the Univeristy of Łódź: the Department of Byzantine

History and the Unit of Palaeoslavistic Studies and Folk Culture . The cooperation of

the two units started in 2008 and was originally connected with organizing a se-

(6)

Book Reviews

Apokryfy syryjskie . Historia i przysłowia Achikara . Grota skarbów . Apokalipsa Pseudo-Metodego, trans . A . Tronina, ed . A . Tronina, M . Starowieyski –

Małgorzata Skowronek . . . . 215 Иван Божилов, Анна-Mария Тотоманова, Иван Билярски,

Борилов Синодик . Издание и превод –

Jan Mikołaj Wolski . . . . 218 Urszula Wójcicka, Literatura staroruska z elementami historii kultury dawnej Rusi – Zofia Brzozowska . . . . 222 Uczniowie Apostołów Słowian . Siedmiu Świętych Mężów, ed . Małgorzata

Skowronek, Georgi Minczew –

Mirosław J . Leszka, Kirił Marinow . . . . 226 Andrej Škoviera, Svätí Slovanskí Sedmopočetníci –

Georgi Minczew . . . . 228 Konstantynopol – Nowy Rzym . Miasto i ludzie w okresie wczesnobizantyńskim, ed . Mirosław J . Leszka, Teresa Wolińska –

Błażej Cecota . . . . 230 Piotr Łukasz Grotowski, Święci wojownicy w sztuce bizantyńskiej (843–1261) . Studia nad ikonografią uzbrojenia i ubioru –

Teresa Wolińska . . . . 232 Rafał Kosiński, The Emperor Zeno Religion and Politics –

Mirosław J . Leszka . . . . 235 Анна-Мария Тотоманова, Из историята на българския език –

Ivan Petrov . . . . 236

Abbreviations . . . . 239 Guidelines for the authors . . . . 243

From the Editorial Board

The scholarly journal presented here, entitled Studia Ceranea . Journal of the Waldemar Ceran Research Centre for the History and Culture of the Mediterranean Area and South-East Europe, is a periodical supervised by the above-mentioned in- stitution – Ceraneum for short – a unit brought to life by decision of the Senate of the University of Łódź in February 2011 .

Professor Waldemar Ceran (1936–2009) was among the most prominent fig- ures in the Polish humanities, especially in the field of Byzantine studies . He was for many years the director of first the Department, then the Chair of Byzantine History, University of Łódź – the first and largest of such academic units in Poland . Throughout his long-lasting and prosperous academic career, he performed a number of significant duties . In particular, he was the director of the Institute of History, University of Łódź, as well as the president (subsequently honorary president) of the Commission of Byzantine Studies at the Committee of Ancient Culture, Polish Academy of Sciences (the Polish national committee of the Association Internationale des Études Byzantines) . He was the immediate student and closest collaborator of Prof . Halina Evert-Kappesowa, the doyen of Byzantine studies in Łódź . He received substantial specialized training from such foreign masters of the field as Prof . Paul Lemerle or Prof . Nina V . Pigulevskaya . Professor Ceran, an expert on the history of the Byzantine Empire in its entire temporal extent and diverse aspects, specialized in the history of Antioch during Late Antiquity, the relations between the Church and the Byzantine state as well as the history of the Mount Athos monasteries . An out- standing polymath and enthusiast of the classical languages . An unparalleled speaker and lecturer . An indefatigable propagator of ancient and medieval history (espe- cially of the Byzantine Empire) . An exceptionally well-mannered man of amiable disposition . An idol and mentor of a whole group of scholars, reviewer of numerous doctoral, habilitation and professorial theses . Thus, the decision to name the newly founded Centre after Him seemed only natural to the founding members . Besides, the creation of Ceraneum in a way fulfils the aspirations of Professor Ceran himself . He devoted all his life to developing the Byzantine studies community in Poland and popularizing the research on the history of the Eastern Roman Empire .

The founders of Ceraneum, as well as of the newly created journal, are the em-

ployees of two academic units of the Univeristy of Łódź: the Department of Byzantine

History and the Unit of Palaeoslavistic Studies and Folk Culture . The cooperation of

the two units started in 2008 and was originally connected with organizing a se-

(7)

ries of open lectures, aimed at presenting the scholars’ research to a wider audience as well as at inviting the leading Polish and European authorities on Byzantine and Palaeoslavistic studies . So far, fourteen such lectures have been arranged . The no- ticeable interest they have aroused (not only among the teaching staff, but also the students and doctoral students of the University of Łódź), as well as the integration of the Łódź communities of specialists in history and Slavic studies that they have brought about, have caused the contacts to intensify and develop into a closer form of partnership . Specifically, a decision was made to form an interdepartmental re- search unit, designed to investigate the broadly defined history, religion and culture of the Mediterranean Basin, especially the area of the Byzantine Empire and Slavia Orthodoxa . To this end, the scope of the unit’s research interests was extended so as to include other disciplines from among the humanities and the social sciences .

As a result, the application to found the interdepartmental Centre was filed to the Senate of the University of Łódź by the deans of as many as four faculties:

the Faculty of Philosophy and History, the Faculty of Philology, the Faculty of International and Political Studies and the Faculty of Law and Administration . The basic tenet of the founders of Ceraneum is the interdisciplinary character of scientific inquiries, linking diverse fields of research and encompassing miscellaneous meth- odological principles . These objectives likewise apply to the scientific journal under discussion . Thanks to this, we hope to arrive at a more holistic perspective of the his- tory of the aforementioned geographic/cultural region, as well as to provide scholars working on different aspects of history and culture with an opportunity of a direct exchange of ideas, both within Ceraneum itself and in the associated publications .

In order to live up to these assumptions, the activities centred around Ceraneum are to include editing the yearly Studia Ceranea alongside a series of monographs (Seria Ceranea), as well as organizing meetings (conferences, symposia etc .) designed to inte- grate the community of specialists studying the history of the Byzantine Empire and the South and East Slavs . The scholarly level and the objects of the research conducted will be supervised by the Advisory Board of Ceraneum, created by decision of the Rector of the University of Łódź . The board comprises several dozen distinguished scholars from various European research centres (including Oxford, Cambridge, Paris, Vienna, Berlin, Rome, Sofia, Belgrade and Moscow) . Moreover, the members of the editorial council of Studia Ceranea (similarly conceived as an international body, comprising scholars from Poland and abroad) have already been appointed .

The first volume of Studia Ceranea is including the above-mentioned lectures delivered at the University of Łódź by the members of both founding units, as well as the Polish and international guests . In this manner, readers will have the chance to acquaint themselves with the results of almost three years of organizational and edi- torial effort of the members of the Department of Byzantine History and the Unit of Palaeoslavistic Studies and Folk Culture . Thus, the texts have been presented here in

chronological order, reflecting the pace of our co-operation (from Maciej Kokoszko’s lecture delivered 17 XII 2008 to Ivelin Ivanov’s given 24 V 2011) .

Studia Ceranea being designed as an international journal, contributions in the standard conference languages will be accepted (English, French, German, Russian and Italian) . In the era of an absolute domination of the English language, which is slowly becoming the lingua franca of all kinds of scientific research, it was our intention not to abandon the centuries-long linguistic traditions of the European humanities . In this fashion, we expect to honour the heritage of the most significant national schools in the relevant fields of study, as well as the linguistic sensitivity of the contributing scholars, stemming from diverse scientific communities, not all of which prefer English as the basic code of communication . This is also an expression of our profound conviction that the disciplines we are interested in require a solid command of at least the few most crucial languages in which the research on the Eastern Roman Empire has been carried out . Furthermore, we have resolved to accept papers pertaining to the history of the Mediterranean and the Slavic area within the chronological limits from the 1

st

through the 17

th

century AD . Thus, the task that the editorial council of Studia Ceranea has set before itself is the gradual creation of a scientific journal, interdisciplinary in charac- ter, which will offer specialist articles, reviews and notes on newly published mono- graphs . Along these lines, we will attempt to cross the limits of the narrow specializa- tions restricted to Byzantine or Slavic studies; the papers contributed would represent various aspects of the Late Ancient, Byzantine and Slavic culture of the Mediterranean Area and South-East Europe, which – we claim – forms an integrity, for all its diversity . Consequently, Studia Ceranea, relying on the respectable earlier models provided by other periodicals devoted to similar issues, will endeavour to utilize the methodology and achievements of related disciplines employed in the studies on Late Antiquity, the Middle Ages and the Modern Era . The journal is ready to face the challenges associated with contemporary humanistic thinking .

We wish to express our sincere hope that the yearly Studia Ceranea . Journal of the Waldemar Ceran Research Centre for the History and Culture of the Mediterranean Area and South-East Europe will arise interest among the international scholarly community, effectively becoming a forum for exchanging information and a vehicle of academic discussion .

We cordially invite all interested Readers to future meetings on the pages of Studia Ceranea .

Georgi Minczew Mirosław J . Leszka Małgorzata Skowronek Kirił Marinow Andrzej Kompa Karolina Krzeszewska

From the Editorial Board 7

From the Editorial Board 6

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ries of open lectures, aimed at presenting the scholars’ research to a wider audience as well as at inviting the leading Polish and European authorities on Byzantine and Palaeoslavistic studies . So far, fourteen such lectures have been arranged . The no- ticeable interest they have aroused (not only among the teaching staff, but also the students and doctoral students of the University of Łódź), as well as the integration of the Łódź communities of specialists in history and Slavic studies that they have brought about, have caused the contacts to intensify and develop into a closer form of partnership . Specifically, a decision was made to form an interdepartmental re- search unit, designed to investigate the broadly defined history, religion and culture of the Mediterranean Basin, especially the area of the Byzantine Empire and Slavia Orthodoxa . To this end, the scope of the unit’s research interests was extended so as to include other disciplines from among the humanities and the social sciences .

As a result, the application to found the interdepartmental Centre was filed to the Senate of the University of Łódź by the deans of as many as four faculties:

the Faculty of Philosophy and History, the Faculty of Philology, the Faculty of International and Political Studies and the Faculty of Law and Administration . The basic tenet of the founders of Ceraneum is the interdisciplinary character of scientific inquiries, linking diverse fields of research and encompassing miscellaneous meth- odological principles . These objectives likewise apply to the scientific journal under discussion . Thanks to this, we hope to arrive at a more holistic perspective of the his- tory of the aforementioned geographic/cultural region, as well as to provide scholars working on different aspects of history and culture with an opportunity of a direct exchange of ideas, both within Ceraneum itself and in the associated publications .

In order to live up to these assumptions, the activities centred around Ceraneum are to include editing the yearly Studia Ceranea alongside a series of monographs (Seria Ceranea), as well as organizing meetings (conferences, symposia etc .) designed to inte- grate the community of specialists studying the history of the Byzantine Empire and the South and East Slavs . The scholarly level and the objects of the research conducted will be supervised by the Advisory Board of Ceraneum, created by decision of the Rector of the University of Łódź . The board comprises several dozen distinguished scholars from various European research centres (including Oxford, Cambridge, Paris, Vienna, Berlin, Rome, Sofia, Belgrade and Moscow) . Moreover, the members of the editorial council of Studia Ceranea (similarly conceived as an international body, comprising scholars from Poland and abroad) have already been appointed .

The first volume of Studia Ceranea is including the above-mentioned lectures delivered at the University of Łódź by the members of both founding units, as well as the Polish and international guests . In this manner, readers will have the chance to acquaint themselves with the results of almost three years of organizational and edi- torial effort of the members of the Department of Byzantine History and the Unit of Palaeoslavistic Studies and Folk Culture . Thus, the texts have been presented here in

chronological order, reflecting the pace of our co-operation (from Maciej Kokoszko’s lecture delivered 17 XII 2008 to Ivelin Ivanov’s given 24 V 2011) .

Studia Ceranea being designed as an international journal, contributions in the standard conference languages will be accepted (English, French, German, Russian and Italian) . In the era of an absolute domination of the English language, which is slowly becoming the lingua franca of all kinds of scientific research, it was our intention not to abandon the centuries-long linguistic traditions of the European humanities . In this fashion, we expect to honour the heritage of the most significant national schools in the relevant fields of study, as well as the linguistic sensitivity of the contributing scholars, stemming from diverse scientific communities, not all of which prefer English as the basic code of communication . This is also an expression of our profound conviction that the disciplines we are interested in require a solid command of at least the few most crucial languages in which the research on the Eastern Roman Empire has been carried out . Furthermore, we have resolved to accept papers pertaining to the history of the Mediterranean and the Slavic area within the chronological limits from the 1

st

through the 17

th

century AD . Thus, the task that the editorial council of Studia Ceranea has set before itself is the gradual creation of a scientific journal, interdisciplinary in charac- ter, which will offer specialist articles, reviews and notes on newly published mono- graphs . Along these lines, we will attempt to cross the limits of the narrow specializa- tions restricted to Byzantine or Slavic studies; the papers contributed would represent various aspects of the Late Ancient, Byzantine and Slavic culture of the Mediterranean Area and South-East Europe, which – we claim – forms an integrity, for all its diversity . Consequently, Studia Ceranea, relying on the respectable earlier models provided by other periodicals devoted to similar issues, will endeavour to utilize the methodology and achievements of related disciplines employed in the studies on Late Antiquity, the Middle Ages and the Modern Era . The journal is ready to face the challenges associated with contemporary humanistic thinking .

We wish to express our sincere hope that the yearly Studia Ceranea . Journal of the Waldemar Ceran Research Centre for the History and Culture of the Mediterranean Area and South-East Europe will arise interest among the international scholarly community, effectively becoming a forum for exchanging information and a vehicle of academic discussion .

We cordially invite all interested Readers to future meetings on the pages of Studia Ceranea .

Georgi Minczew

Mirosław J . Leszka

Małgorzata Skowronek

Kirił Marinow

Andrzej Kompa

Karolina Krzeszewska

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Articles

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(12)

Maciej Kokoszko, Katarzyna Gibel-Buszewska (Łódź)

Kandaulos. The testimony of select sources

1

The literary and antiquarian activities of Photius

2

and Eustathius of Thessalonica

3

have enriched our knowledge with an abundance of valuable information, constantly used by historians, including the ones who attempt to unveil the mysteries of Greek gastrono- my

4

. It is worth noticing that the history of food is an area of historical research which is becoming more and more popular with researchers and the phenomenon encompasses not only the growing interest in ancient gastronomy

5

, but also in the history of food in

1 The article is a preliminary version of the paper already published in BZ (M . Kokoszko, K . Gibel- Buszewska, The term kandaulos (κάνδaυλος) / kandylos (κάνδυλος) in Lexicon of Photius and Com- mentarii ad Homeri Iliadem of Eustathius of Thessalonica, BZ 104, 2011, p . 125–145) . The subject has been also treated in the Polish paper by the same authors entitled Termin kandaulos (κάνδaυλος) / kandylos (κάνδυλος) na podstawie Λέξεων συναγωγή Focjusza oraz Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem Eustacjusza z Tessaloniki (VP 30, 2011, p . 361–373; the article is a Polish equivalent of the present pa- per, with only minor bibliographic changes) and in a study by Maciej Kokoszko published under the title Dieta średniowiecznego Bizancjum? Krótka historia kandaulos (κάνδaυλος) / kandylos (κάνδυλος) na podstawie Λέξεων συναγωγή, [in:] Człowiek w średniowieczu . Między biologią a historią, ed . A . Szymczakowa, Łódź 2009, p . 53–63 . Some methodological references to the importance of the source basis made use of in the above mentioned studies for the history of food as well as the subject itself have also been made in M . Kokoszko, K . Gibel-Buszewska, Pamięć o luksusie antyku w dziełach pisarzy bizantyńskich . Tradycja kuchni greckiej, [in:] Sympozja kazimierskie poświęcone kulturze świata późnego antyku i wczesnego chrześcijaństwa, vol . VII, Pamięć i upamiętnienie w epoce późnego antyku, ed . B . Iwaszkiewicz-Wronikowska, D . Próchniak, A . Głowa, Lublin 2010, p . 233–240 .

2 O . Jurewicz, Historia literatury bizantyńskiej . Zarys, Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków–Gdańsk –Łódź 1984, p . 152–156, 163–166; idem, Focjusz, [in:] Encyklopedia kultury bizantyńskiej, ed . O . Jurewicz, Warszawa 2002 (cetera: EKB), p . 178–179; N .G . Wilson, The Scholars of Byzantium, London–Cambridge Mass . 1996, p . 89–119 .

3 O . Jurewicz, op . cit ., p . 245–246, 259; M . Angold, Church and society in Byzantium under the Comneni (1081–1261), Cambridge 1995, p . 179–196; N .G . Wilson, op . cit ., p . 196–204; H . Ci- chocka, Eustacjusz z Tesaloniki, [in:] EKB, p . 169 .

4 Their data was also made use of in our paper entitled Focjusz a kuchnia grecka czyli kilka słów o abyrtake (ἀβυρτάκη), VP 28, 2008, p . 495–504 .

5 It is enough to point out to a few examples from the last few years – J . Wilkins, The boastful chef . The discourse of food in ancient Greek comedy, Oxford 2000; M . Grant, Roman Cookery . Ancient Recipes for Modern Kitchens, London 2002; J .P . Alcock, Food in the ancient world, Westport–London 2006; S . Grainger, Cooking “Apicius” . Roman Recipes for Modern Kitchens, Blackawton–Totnes 2006 . It should be noted that there also appeared a very good new edition of Apicius (Apicius . A critical edi- tion with an introduction and an English translation of the Latin recipe text Apicius, ed . Ch . Grocock, S . Grainger, Blackawton–Totnes 2006 [cetera: Apicius . A critical]) and Anthimus (Anthimus, De

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Maciej KoKoszKo, Katarzyna Gibel-buszewsKa

12 Kandaulos: the Testimony of Select Sources 13

Byzantium

6

. However, despite the constant development of the above-mentioned studies, the scientific research field still remains virtually boundless . The situation of inadequate research has so far concerned the famous ancient delicacy called kándaulos/kándylos, and the present article attempts to fill in this gap in our knowledge .

The name of the dish mentioned by both the patriarch and the bishop of Thessalonica is present in Greek literature in the form of two basic varieties . Kandylos (κάνδυλος), i .e . the term used by Photius

7

, appears also in the works of Aristophanes

8

, Euangellus

9

, Hesychius

10

, Cercidas

11

, Menander

12

, Plutarch

13

, Pollux

14

and in the Suda

15

. On the other hand, the

observatione ciborum . On the observance of foods, ed . M . Grant, Blackawton–Totnes 2007) .

6 A manifestation of which are several interesting papers published over the last five years, v . A . Dalby, Flavours of Byzantium, Blackawton–Totnes 2003; Food and cooking in Byzantium . Proceed- ings of the symposium “On food in Byzantium” . Thessaloniki Museum of Byzantine Culture 4 November 2001, ed . D . Papanikola-Bakirtzi, Athens 2005; Feast, fast or famine . Food and drink in Byzantium, ed . W . Mayer, S . Trzcionka, Brisbane 2005; Eat, drink and be merry (Luke 12:19) . Food and wine in Byzantium . In honour of Professor A .A .M . Bryer, ed . L . Brubaker, K . Linardou, Aldershot 2007 . They complement a fundamental, in this field, work by Phaidon Koukoules (Βυζαντινῶν βίος καὶ πολιτισμός, vol . V, Αἱ τροφαὶ καὶ τὰ ποτά . Τὰ γεύματα . Τὰ δεῖπνα καὶ τὰ συμπόσια, Ἀθήναι 1952), Thomas Weber’s work (Essen und Trinken in Konstantinopel des 10 . Jahrhunderts, nach den Berichten Liutprands von Cremona, [in:] J . Koder, T . Weber, Liutprand von Cremona in Konstaninopel . Unter- suchungen zum griechischen Sprachschatz und zu realienkundlichen Aussagen in seinen Werken, Wien 1980 [= Byzantina Vindoboniensia, 13], p . 71–99), Johannes Koder’s output (Gemüse in Byzanz . Die Versorgung Konstantinopels mit Frischgemüse im Lichte der Geoponika, Wien 1993 etc .), Ewald Kislinger’s (Les chrétiens d’Orient: règles et réalités alimentaires dans le monde byzantin, [in:] Histo- rie de l’alimentation, ed . J .-L . Flandrin, M . Montanari, Paris 1996, p . 325–344), and the results of epistolographic research of Apostolos Karpozilos (Realia in Byzantine Epistolography X–XII c ., BZ 77, 1984, p . 20–37; Realia in Byzantine Epistolography XIII–XV c ., BZ 88, 1995, p . 68–84 .

7 Photii patriarchae Lexicon, κ, κάνδυλος, ed . C . Theodoridis, vol . I, Berlin–New York 1982 (ce- tera: Photius, Lexicon) .

8 Aristophanes, Pax, 123, [in:] Aristophane, ed . V . Coulon, M . van Daele, vol . II, Paris 1924; v . Scholia in Aristophanis pacem vetera et recentiora Triclinii, 123 d, 1–2, [in:] Scholia in Aristophanem, vol . II .2, Scholia in Vespas, Pacem, Aves et Lysistratam, ed . D . Holwerda, Groningen 1982 (cetera: Scholia in pacem) .

9 Athenaei Naucratitae Dipnosophistae, XIV, 644 d–e (52, 11–23, Kaibel), [in:] Athenaei Nau- cratitae Dipnosophistarum libri XV, ed . G . Kaibel, vol . I–III, Lipsiae–Berolini 1887–1890 (cetera:

Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae) .

10 Hesychii Alexandrini Lexicon, κ, κάνδυλος, 646, 1–2, ed . M . Schmidt, vol . I–V, Ienae 1859–1868 (cetera: Hesychius, Lexicon) .

11 Cercidas, fr . 18, [in:] Collectanea Alexandrina, ed . J .U . Powell, Oxford 1925, col . 2, 15 .

12 Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae, XII, 517 a (12, 44–46, Kaibel); Menander, fr . 397, 10–11, [in:] Menandri reliquiae selectae . Fragmenta longiora apud alios auctores servata, ed . F .H . Sandbach, Oxford 1972 .

13 Plutachi Quaestiones convivales, 664 a, 5, [in:] Plutarchi moralia, ed . C . Hubert, vol . IV, Lipsiae 1938 (cetera: Plutarch, Quaestiones convivales) .

14 Iulii Pollucis Onomasticon, VI, 69, ed . I . Bekker, Berolini 1846 .

15 Suidae lexicon, κ, Κάνδυλος, 303, 1–2, ed . A . Adler, vol . I–IV, Lipsiae 1928–1935 (cetera: Suidae lexicon) .

variant which Eustathius of Thessalonica

16

was familiar with, i .e . kandaulos (κάνδαυλος), has been preserved in opera of Alexis

17

, Philemon

18

, Hegesippus of Tarentum

19

and Nicostratus

20

. Athenaeus of Naucratis records both the above-mentioned versions, which is, of course, a direct result of the very nature of his work

21

. The third option, i .e . kondylos (κόνδυλος), has been recorded only once and appears in the scholia to Aristophanes’ Peace

22

.

The Photius’ lexicon entry is very short, concentrating on the ingredients of kándaulos/kándylos as well as giving the name of the author who mentioned the delicacy in his work:

κάνδυλος σκευασία ὀψοποιοιικὴ μετὰ γάλακτος καὶ στέατος καὶ μέλιτος ἔνιοι δὲ διὰ κρέως καὶ ἄρτου καὶ τυροῦ. οὕτως ᾿Αριστοφάνης.

kandylos: a dish made from milk, animal fat and honey and, as others claim, from meat, bread and cheese . This is exactly the dish Aristophanes was familiar with .23

The fragment of Eustathius’ work referring to the analysed topic is more extensive and apart from a recipe for the dish, it also includes a few remarks regarding its origins:

Νῦν δὲ μνηστέον ἱστορίας δηλούσης ὅτι τε ἡδυπάθειαν οἱ Μῄονες, ταὐτὸν δ’ εἰπεῖν οἱ Λυδοί, ἐφίλουν, ὅθεν, φασί, καὶ ᾿Ανακρέων τὸν ἡδυπαθῆ ‘Λυδοπαθῆ’ ἔφη, καὶ ὅτι βρῶμα παρ’ αὐτοῖς εὕρητο κάνδαυλος, παρώνυμον ἴσως τῷ παρ’ αὐτοῖς τυράννῳ Κανδαύλῃ, καθὰ καὶ ἄλλα τῶν ἐδεσμάτων ἐξ ἑτέρων κυρίων ὀνομάτων ἐφίλουν καλεῖσθαι, ὡς καὶ οἱ Νικόλαοι. φέρεται οὖν ἐν τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίου, ὅτι κνηστῷ, οὐ τυρῷ, ἀλλὰ ἄρτῳ καὶ Φρυγίῳ τυρῷ, ἀνήθῳ τε καὶ ζωμῷ πίονι ἑφθοῦ κρέως συνόντος, Λυδικὸν ἐγίνετο ἔδεσμα κάνδαυλος καλούμενος. περὶ οὗ φησιν ῎Αλεξις, ὡς ‘κάνδαυλον ἐὰν παραθῶσι, προσκατεδῇ τοὺς δακτύλους’.

Now it is worth mentioning the tradition saying that the Meonians, i .e . Lydians, loved luxury; that is why Anacreon referred to the people who loved comfort as “the ones with a liking analogous to that of the Lydians .” It is also said that it was they who invented kandaulos and this term goes back to the name of their ruler Candaules, as this tribe used to coin their terminology from proper names . This was the case with the so-called Nikolaoi; Athenaeus in his work remarks that kandaulos was a Lydian

16 Eustathii archiepiscopi Thessalonicensis Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem Pertinentes, ed . M . van der Valk, vol . IV, Leiden 1987, p . 180, 16–23 (cetera: Eustathius of Thessalonica, Commen- tarii ad Homeri Ilidem) .

17 Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae, XII, 516 d–f (12, 14–34, Kaibel) .

18 Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae, XII, 516 f (12, 35–40, Kaibel); Philemon, fr . 60, 3, [in:] Comicorum Atticorum fragmenta, ed . T . Kock, vol . II, Leipzig 1884 (cetera: Comici Attici) .

19 Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae, XII, 516 d (12, 11–14, Kaibel) .

20 Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae, XII, 517 a (12, 41–43, Kaibel); Nicostratus, fr . 17, 1–3, [in:] Comici Attici, vol . II, Lipsiae 1884 .

21 Athenaeus of Naucratis quotes the authors who name the discussed dish .

22 Scholia in pacem, 123 d, 1–2 . V . above .

23 Photius, Lexicon, κ, κάνδυλος . English translation by M .K ., K .G .

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Byzantium

6

. However, despite the constant development of the above-mentioned studies, the scientific research field still remains virtually boundless . The situation of inadequate research has so far concerned the famous ancient delicacy called kándaulos/kándylos, and the present article attempts to fill in this gap in our knowledge .

The name of the dish mentioned by both the patriarch and the bishop of Thessalonica is present in Greek literature in the form of two basic varieties . Kandylos (κάνδυλος), i .e . the term used by Photius

7

, appears also in the works of Aristophanes

8

, Euangellus

9

, Hesychius

10

, Cercidas

11

, Menander

12

, Plutarch

13

, Pollux

14

and in the Suda

15

. On the other hand, the

observatione ciborum . On the observance of foods, ed . M . Grant, Blackawton–Totnes 2007) .

6 A manifestation of which are several interesting papers published over the last five years, v . A . Dalby, Flavours of Byzantium, Blackawton–Totnes 2003; Food and cooking in Byzantium . Proceed- ings of the symposium “On food in Byzantium” . Thessaloniki Museum of Byzantine Culture 4 November 2001, ed . D . Papanikola-Bakirtzi, Athens 2005; Feast, fast or famine . Food and drink in Byzantium, ed . W . Mayer, S . Trzcionka, Brisbane 2005; Eat, drink and be merry (Luke 12:19) . Food and wine in Byzantium . In honour of Professor A .A .M . Bryer, ed . L . Brubaker, K . Linardou, Aldershot 2007 . They complement a fundamental, in this field, work by Phaidon Koukoules (Βυζαντινῶν βίος καὶ πολιτισμός, vol . V, Αἱ τροφαὶ καὶ τὰ ποτά . Τὰ γεύματα . Τὰ δεῖπνα καὶ τὰ συμπόσια, Ἀθήναι 1952), Thomas Weber’s work (Essen und Trinken in Konstantinopel des 10 . Jahrhunderts, nach den Berichten Liutprands von Cremona, [in:] J . Koder, T . Weber, Liutprand von Cremona in Konstaninopel . Unter- suchungen zum griechischen Sprachschatz und zu realienkundlichen Aussagen in seinen Werken, Wien 1980 [= Byzantina Vindoboniensia, 13], p . 71–99), Johannes Koder’s output (Gemüse in Byzanz . Die Versorgung Konstantinopels mit Frischgemüse im Lichte der Geoponika, Wien 1993 etc .), Ewald Kislinger’s (Les chrétiens d’Orient: règles et réalités alimentaires dans le monde byzantin, [in:] Histo- rie de l’alimentation, ed . J .-L . Flandrin, M . Montanari, Paris 1996, p . 325–344), and the results of epistolographic research of Apostolos Karpozilos (Realia in Byzantine Epistolography X–XII c ., BZ 77, 1984, p . 20–37; Realia in Byzantine Epistolography XIII–XV c ., BZ 88, 1995, p . 68–84 .

7 Photii patriarchae Lexicon, κ, κάνδυλος, ed . C . Theodoridis, vol . I, Berlin–New York 1982 (ce- tera: Photius, Lexicon) .

8 Aristophanes, Pax, 123, [in:] Aristophane, ed . V . Coulon, M . van Daele, vol . II, Paris 1924; v . Scholia in Aristophanis pacem vetera et recentiora Triclinii, 123 d, 1–2, [in:] Scholia in Aristophanem, vol . II .2, Scholia in Vespas, Pacem, Aves et Lysistratam, ed . D . Holwerda, Groningen 1982 (cetera: Scholia in pacem) .

9 Athenaei Naucratitae Dipnosophistae, XIV, 644 d–e (52, 11–23, Kaibel), [in:] Athenaei Nau- cratitae Dipnosophistarum libri XV, ed . G . Kaibel, vol . I–III, Lipsiae–Berolini 1887–1890 (cetera:

Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae) .

10 Hesychii Alexandrini Lexicon, κ, κάνδυλος, 646, 1–2, ed . M . Schmidt, vol . I–V, Ienae 1859–1868 (cetera: Hesychius, Lexicon) .

11 Cercidas, fr . 18, [in:] Collectanea Alexandrina, ed . J .U . Powell, Oxford 1925, col . 2, 15 .

12 Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae, XII, 517 a (12, 44–46, Kaibel); Menander, fr . 397, 10–11, [in:] Menandri reliquiae selectae . Fragmenta longiora apud alios auctores servata, ed . F .H . Sandbach, Oxford 1972 .

13 Plutachi Quaestiones convivales, 664 a, 5, [in:] Plutarchi moralia, ed . C . Hubert, vol . IV, Lipsiae 1938 (cetera: Plutarch, Quaestiones convivales) .

14 Iulii Pollucis Onomasticon, VI, 69, ed . I . Bekker, Berolini 1846 .

15 Suidae lexicon, κ, Κάνδυλος, 303, 1–2, ed . A . Adler, vol . I–IV, Lipsiae 1928–1935 (cetera: Suidae lexicon) .

variant which Eustathius of Thessalonica

16

was familiar with, i .e . kandaulos (κάνδαυλος), has been preserved in opera of Alexis

17

, Philemon

18

, Hegesippus of Tarentum

19

and Nicostratus

20

. Athenaeus of Naucratis records both the above-mentioned versions, which is, of course, a direct result of the very nature of his work

21

. The third option, i .e . kondylos (κόνδυλος), has been recorded only once and appears in the scholia to Aristophanes’ Peace

22

.

The Photius’ lexicon entry is very short, concentrating on the ingredients of kándaulos/kándylos as well as giving the name of the author who mentioned the delicacy in his work:

κάνδυλος σκευασία ὀψοποιοιικὴ μετὰ γάλακτος καὶ στέατος καὶ μέλιτος ἔνιοι δὲ διὰ κρέως καὶ ἄρτου καὶ τυροῦ. οὕτως ᾿Αριστοφάνης.

kandylos: a dish made from milk, animal fat and honey and, as others claim, from meat, bread and cheese . This is exactly the dish Aristophanes was familiar with .23

The fragment of Eustathius’ work referring to the analysed topic is more extensive and apart from a recipe for the dish, it also includes a few remarks regarding its origins:

Νῦν δὲ μνηστέον ἱστορίας δηλούσης ὅτι τε ἡδυπάθειαν οἱ Μῄονες, ταὐτὸν δ’ εἰπεῖν οἱ Λυδοί, ἐφίλουν, ὅθεν, φασί, καὶ ᾿Ανακρέων τὸν ἡδυπαθῆ ‘Λυδοπαθῆ’ ἔφη, καὶ ὅτι βρῶμα παρ’ αὐτοῖς εὕρητο κάνδαυλος, παρώνυμον ἴσως τῷ παρ’ αὐτοῖς τυράννῳ Κανδαύλῃ, καθὰ καὶ ἄλλα τῶν ἐδεσμάτων ἐξ ἑτέρων κυρίων ὀνομάτων ἐφίλουν καλεῖσθαι, ὡς καὶ οἱ Νικόλαοι. φέρεται οὖν ἐν τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίου, ὅτι κνηστῷ, οὐ τυρῷ, ἀλλὰ ἄρτῳ καὶ Φρυγίῳ τυρῷ, ἀνήθῳ τε καὶ ζωμῷ πίονι ἑφθοῦ κρέως συνόντος, Λυδικὸν ἐγίνετο ἔδεσμα κάνδαυλος καλούμενος. περὶ οὗ φησιν ῎Αλεξις, ὡς ‘κάνδαυλον ἐὰν παραθῶσι, προσκατεδῇ τοὺς δακτύλους’.

Now it is worth mentioning the tradition saying that the Meonians, i .e . Lydians, loved luxury; that is why Anacreon referred to the people who loved comfort as “the ones with a liking analogous to that of the Lydians .” It is also said that it was they who invented kandaulos and this term goes back to the name of their ruler Candaules, as this tribe used to coin their terminology from proper names . This was the case with the so-called Nikolaoi; Athenaeus in his work remarks that kandaulos was a Lydian

16 Eustathii archiepiscopi Thessalonicensis Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem Pertinentes, ed . M . van der Valk, vol . IV, Leiden 1987, p . 180, 16–23 (cetera: Eustathius of Thessalonica, Commen- tarii ad Homeri Ilidem) .

17 Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae, XII, 516 d–f (12, 14–34, Kaibel) .

18 Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae, XII, 516 f (12, 35–40, Kaibel); Philemon, fr . 60, 3, [in:] Comicorum Atticorum fragmenta, ed . T . Kock, vol . II, Leipzig 1884 (cetera: Comici Attici) .

19 Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae, XII, 516 d (12, 11–14, Kaibel) .

20 Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae, XII, 517 a (12, 41–43, Kaibel); Nicostratus, fr . 17, 1–3, [in:] Comici Attici, vol . II, Lipsiae 1884 .

21 Athenaeus of Naucratis quotes the authors who name the discussed dish .

22 Scholia in pacem, 123 d, 1–2 . V . above .

23 Photius, Lexicon, κ, κάνδυλος . English translation by M .K ., K .G .

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Maciej KoKoszKo, Katarzyna Gibel-buszewsKa

14 Kandaulos: the Testimony of Select Sources 15

dish consisting of grated (not cheese, but) bread, Phrygian cheese, dill and meat in fatty broth . Alexis claimed that “when you are treated to kandaulos (you eat it so vigorously that you never even notice) your fingers are nibbled to the bone” .

24

The fragment of Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem written by Eustathius of Thessalonica clearly indicates that in the Greeks’ awareness and, as we interpret it, as late as in Byzantine times, it was quite obvious that kándaulos/kándylos had been borrowed by the Hellenes from the Lydians, and the name of this dish was traditionally associated with the Lydian ruler Candaules

25

, the predecessor of Gyges

26

. It is worth adding here that the history of the two rulers, which is only referred to by Eustathius of Thessalonica in the fragment, is very dramatic and is told in detail by Herodotus of Halicarnassus, whose narrative concentrates on the revenge taken by the last Heraclid’s, i .e . Candaules’, spouse who felt her feelings were hurt by her husband

27

. It is also worth remembering that the information provided by Eustathius of Thessalonica is the most comprehensive and the pieces of data included in this work have never been questioned by any other author

28

.

Even though neither Photius nor the bishop of Thessalonica explain how kándaulos/kándylos appeared in Greek cuisine, it may be suggested that it was the Ionians who acted as intermediaries in this process . This hypothesis is supported by natural closeness of the latter to the Lydians . It is equally worth taking into ac- count that Greek tradition attributed to the Ionians features analogous to the ones

24 Eustathius of Thessalonica, Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem, IV, 180, 16–23 . English trans- lation by M .K ., K .G .

25 Eustathius of Thessalonica, Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem, IV, 180, 19–20 . His Commen- taries mentioned in N .G . Wilson, op . cit ., p . 197–199 . Eustathius’ works has been a rich source for those who have discussed the history of Greek gastronomy . In J .A . Kelhoffer, The diet of John the Baptist . “Locust and wild honey” in Synoptic and Patristic interpretation, Tübingen 2005, p . 73 (information regarding diet of John the Baptist): M . Grünbart, Store in a cool and dry place: per- ishable goods and their preservation in Byzantium, [in:] Eat, drink . . ., p . 42–43 (the restocking of the pantry); J . Koder, Stew and salted meat – opulent normality in the diet of every day?, [in:] ibidem, p . 59–60 (information regarding meat-smoking) etc .

26 Candaules, mentioned above, is also known as Sadyattes or Myrsilus . He ruled over Lydia for some time before 680 B .C . In P .N . Ure, The origins of tyranny, Cambridge 1922, p . 137–138; S . Przeworski, Dzieje i kultura Azji Mniejszej do podboju perskiego, [in:] Wielka historia powszech- na, ed . J . Dąbrowski et al ., vol . I, Pradzieje ludzkości i historia państw wschodu, Warszawa 1935, p . 696; D . Arnaud, Starożytny Bliski Wschód . Od wprowadzenia pisma do Aleksandra Wielkiego, trans . M . Ryszkiewicz, K . Wakar, Warszawa 1982, p . 219–222; T .F .R .G . Braun, The Greeks in Egypt, [in:] The Cambridge Ancient History, vol . III .3, The Expansion of the Greek World, Eighth to Sixth Centuries B .C ., ed . J . Boardman, N .G .L . Hammond, 2(7)Cambridge 2006 (1982), p . 36; cf . G . Danzig, Rhetoric and the Ring: Herodotus and Plato on the Story of Gyges as a Politically Expedient Tale, GR 55, 2008, p . 169–192 .

27 Herodote, Histoires, I, 7, 3 – 12, 9, ed . P .-E . Legrand, Paris 1932 (cetera: Herodotus, Historiae); cf . Y . Hughes Dominick, Acting Other: Atossa and Instability in Herodotus, CQ 57, 2007, p . 433–436 .

28 Cf . the testimony of Athenaeus of Naucratis, which is later used by the bishop of Thessalonica himself (Λυδικὸν ἐγίνετο ἔδεσμα κάνδαυλος) – Eustathius of Thessalonica, Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem, IV, 180, 22–23; Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae, XII, 516 c (12, 9–10, Kaibel) .

which were supposed to characterize Candaules’ subjects, i .e . inclination to luxury . This suggestion appears to be confirmed by a fragment of a Menander’s comedy in which an affluent Ionian, getting ready to eat this dish, is depicted . Though there is no mention of the costliness of the dish ingredients, the kándaulos/kándylos referred to by the playwright must have been an exquisite one because it had an extraordinary property – notably, it enhanced one’s love powers, which surely made it look more attractive to those who were affluent enough to afford it and who generally did not share the moderation (at least) postulated by the European Greeks

29

. What is more, the very Ionian about to consume the delicacy is depicted as a rich person .

Pinpointing the hypothetical date of the creation of kándaulos/kándylos was made possible thanks to the completion of excavation works in Sardis, the capi- tal of ancient Lydia, or, more precisely, as a result of the publication of Crawford Greenewalt’s analysis of what was discovered therein

30

, i .e . 25 deposits (consisting of a pot, a small jug, a mug, a shallow dish and a knife) . What is especially significant in the context is that the pots contained bone leftovers which, as it was determined, belonged to puppies less than three months old .

In his book Greenewalt claims that those finds must be interpreted in ac- cordance with select written sources having a connection with the above-men- tioned Candaules

31

. Having analysed the data, the scholar argues that the ruler was nicknamed after one of the Lydian gods, notably, the ruler of the underworld, whose name was Candaules (or Candaulas) . Subsequently, Greenewalt quotes the tradition recorded by Hipponax

32

and John Tzetzes

33

to remind that the name of the divinity is in fact a telling term and means “he who smothers dogs/puppies” . Finally, Greenewalt concludes by suggesting that the deposits show leftovers after ritual feasts during which the dogs’ meat was prepared for consumption .

The Greenwalt’s hypothesis was later developed in a David Harvey’s

34

article . The author draws our attention to the fact that some reference to dogs is also found in the legendary life of Cyrus the Great, the conqueror of Lydia, which is also to be found in

29 Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae, IV, 132 e–f, 9, 19–30; XII, 517 a (12, 44–46, Kai- bel); Menander, fr . 397, 10–11; v . also P . Pray Bober, Art, culture and cuisine . Ancient and medi- eval gastronomy, Chicago–London 1999, p . 109 .

30 C .H . Greenewalt, Ritual dinners in early historic Sardis, Berkeley 1976, passim .

31 C .H . Creenewalt, op . cit ., p . 52–54 .

32 Kynanches (κυνάγχης) – Hipponax, fr . 3 a, 1, [in:] Iambi et elegi Graeci, ed . M .L . West, vol . I, Oxford 1971 .

33 Skylopniktes (σκυλοπνίκτης) – Ioannis Tzetzae historiarum variarum chiliades, VI, 482, ed . T . Kiessling, Hildesheim 1963 . Works of Tzetzes were partially analysed for their possible use in a history of gastronomy by Anthoullis A . Demosthenous (The scholar and the partridge: attitudes relating to nutritional goods in the twelfth century from the letters of the scholar John Tzetzes, [in:]

Feast, fast . . ., p . 25–31) .

34 Lydian specialties, Croesus’ golden baking-woman, and dogs’ dinners, [in:] Food in antiquity, ed . J . Wilkins, D . Harvey, M . Dobson, Exeter 1995, p . 273–285 .

(16)

dish consisting of grated (not cheese, but) bread, Phrygian cheese, dill and meat in fatty broth . Alexis claimed that “when you are treated to kandaulos (you eat it so vigorously that you never even notice) your fingers are nibbled to the bone” .

24

The fragment of Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem written by Eustathius of Thessalonica clearly indicates that in the Greeks’ awareness and, as we interpret it, as late as in Byzantine times, it was quite obvious that kándaulos/kándylos had been borrowed by the Hellenes from the Lydians, and the name of this dish was traditionally associated with the Lydian ruler Candaules

25

, the predecessor of Gyges

26

. It is worth adding here that the history of the two rulers, which is only referred to by Eustathius of Thessalonica in the fragment, is very dramatic and is told in detail by Herodotus of Halicarnassus, whose narrative concentrates on the revenge taken by the last Heraclid’s, i .e . Candaules’, spouse who felt her feelings were hurt by her husband

27

. It is also worth remembering that the information provided by Eustathius of Thessalonica is the most comprehensive and the pieces of data included in this work have never been questioned by any other author

28

.

Even though neither Photius nor the bishop of Thessalonica explain how kándaulos/kándylos appeared in Greek cuisine, it may be suggested that it was the Ionians who acted as intermediaries in this process . This hypothesis is supported by natural closeness of the latter to the Lydians . It is equally worth taking into ac- count that Greek tradition attributed to the Ionians features analogous to the ones

24 Eustathius of Thessalonica, Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem, IV, 180, 16–23 . English trans- lation by M .K ., K .G .

25 Eustathius of Thessalonica, Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem, IV, 180, 19–20 . His Commen- taries mentioned in N .G . Wilson, op . cit ., p . 197–199 . Eustathius’ works has been a rich source for those who have discussed the history of Greek gastronomy . In J .A . Kelhoffer, The diet of John the Baptist . “Locust and wild honey” in Synoptic and Patristic interpretation, Tübingen 2005, p . 73 (information regarding diet of John the Baptist): M . Grünbart, Store in a cool and dry place: per- ishable goods and their preservation in Byzantium, [in:] Eat, drink . . ., p . 42–43 (the restocking of the pantry); J . Koder, Stew and salted meat – opulent normality in the diet of every day?, [in:] ibidem, p . 59–60 (information regarding meat-smoking) etc .

26 Candaules, mentioned above, is also known as Sadyattes or Myrsilus . He ruled over Lydia for some time before 680 B .C . In P .N . Ure, The origins of tyranny, Cambridge 1922, p . 137–138; S . Przeworski, Dzieje i kultura Azji Mniejszej do podboju perskiego, [in:] Wielka historia powszech- na, ed . J . Dąbrowski et al ., vol . I, Pradzieje ludzkości i historia państw wschodu, Warszawa 1935, p . 696; D . Arnaud, Starożytny Bliski Wschód . Od wprowadzenia pisma do Aleksandra Wielkiego, trans . M . Ryszkiewicz, K . Wakar, Warszawa 1982, p . 219–222; T .F .R .G . Braun, The Greeks in Egypt, [in:] The Cambridge Ancient History, vol . III .3, The Expansion of the Greek World, Eighth to Sixth Centuries B .C ., ed . J . Boardman, N .G .L . Hammond, 2(7)Cambridge 2006 (1982), p . 36; cf . G . Danzig, Rhetoric and the Ring: Herodotus and Plato on the Story of Gyges as a Politically Expedient Tale, GR 55, 2008, p . 169–192 .

27 Herodote, Histoires, I, 7, 3 – 12, 9, ed . P .-E . Legrand, Paris 1932 (cetera: Herodotus, Historiae); cf . Y . Hughes Dominick, Acting Other: Atossa and Instability in Herodotus, CQ 57, 2007, p . 433–436 .

28 Cf . the testimony of Athenaeus of Naucratis, which is later used by the bishop of Thessalonica himself (Λυδικὸν ἐγίνετο ἔδεσμα κάνδαυλος) – Eustathius of Thessalonica, Commentarii ad Homeri Iliadem, IV, 180, 22–23; Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae, XII, 516 c (12, 9–10, Kaibel) .

which were supposed to characterize Candaules’ subjects, i .e . inclination to luxury . This suggestion appears to be confirmed by a fragment of a Menander’s comedy in which an affluent Ionian, getting ready to eat this dish, is depicted . Though there is no mention of the costliness of the dish ingredients, the kándaulos/kándylos referred to by the playwright must have been an exquisite one because it had an extraordinary property – notably, it enhanced one’s love powers, which surely made it look more attractive to those who were affluent enough to afford it and who generally did not share the moderation (at least) postulated by the European Greeks

29

. What is more, the very Ionian about to consume the delicacy is depicted as a rich person .

Pinpointing the hypothetical date of the creation of kándaulos/kándylos was made possible thanks to the completion of excavation works in Sardis, the capi- tal of ancient Lydia, or, more precisely, as a result of the publication of Crawford Greenewalt’s analysis of what was discovered therein

30

, i .e . 25 deposits (consisting of a pot, a small jug, a mug, a shallow dish and a knife) . What is especially significant in the context is that the pots contained bone leftovers which, as it was determined, belonged to puppies less than three months old .

In his book Greenewalt claims that those finds must be interpreted in ac- cordance with select written sources having a connection with the above-men- tioned Candaules

31

. Having analysed the data, the scholar argues that the ruler was nicknamed after one of the Lydian gods, notably, the ruler of the underworld, whose name was Candaules (or Candaulas) . Subsequently, Greenewalt quotes the tradition recorded by Hipponax

32

and John Tzetzes

33

to remind that the name of the divinity is in fact a telling term and means “he who smothers dogs/puppies” . Finally, Greenewalt concludes by suggesting that the deposits show leftovers after ritual feasts during which the dogs’ meat was prepared for consumption .

The Greenwalt’s hypothesis was later developed in a David Harvey’s

34

article . The author draws our attention to the fact that some reference to dogs is also found in the legendary life of Cyrus the Great, the conqueror of Lydia, which is also to be found in

29 Athenaeus of Naucratis, Deipnosophistae, IV, 132 e–f, 9, 19–30; XII, 517 a (12, 44–46, Kai- bel); Menander, fr . 397, 10–11; v . also P . Pray Bober, Art, culture and cuisine . Ancient and medi- eval gastronomy, Chicago–London 1999, p . 109 .

30 C .H . Greenewalt, Ritual dinners in early historic Sardis, Berkeley 1976, passim .

31 C .H . Creenewalt, op . cit ., p . 52–54 .

32 Kynanches (κυνάγχης) – Hipponax, fr . 3 a, 1, [in:] Iambi et elegi Graeci, ed . M .L . West, vol . I, Oxford 1971 .

33 Skylopniktes (σκυλοπνίκτης) – Ioannis Tzetzae historiarum variarum chiliades, VI, 482, ed . T . Kiessling, Hildesheim 1963 . Works of Tzetzes were partially analysed for their possible use in a history of gastronomy by Anthoullis A . Demosthenous (The scholar and the partridge: attitudes relating to nutritional goods in the twelfth century from the letters of the scholar John Tzetzes, [in:]

Feast, fast . . ., p . 25–31) .

34 Lydian specialties, Croesus’ golden baking-woman, and dogs’ dinners, [in:] Food in antiquity, ed . J . Wilkins, D . Harvey, M . Dobson, Exeter 1995, p . 273–285 .

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