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Summary

New areas of state action have arisen as a result of the influx of immigrants. The author presents models of the modern state policy on immigrants. Issues studied in the article are considered with respect to European Union countries’ experiences. A proposal of instruments for improving immigration area management is also pre-sented.

Keywords: state management, Polish immigration policy, immigration policy models 1. Introduction

Size and dynamics of contemporary international migrations created the situation that gov-erning modern states requires taking up a wide range of activities with regards to migration and application of different facilitating tools than before. This purpose should be fulfilled by a properly state-constructed migration policy. New challenges cannot be met by a traditionally- shaped policy that concentrated mainly on controlling foreigners’ inflow and taking into account state’s safety as well as its short-term economic benefits. Currently, cultural and social cohesion – protection of national identity, religious traditions and social integration play an equally important role in the state interests. Deep transformation of the national economy, labour market and demographic changes make the integrative and distributive function, as fulfilled by the State, gain increasing importance. Conflict inspiring areas should be removed or weakened not only by means of eco-nomic modernization but also by social and legal tools with the use of political measures. These are followed by institutional changes. The developing catalogue of human rights that contains widely accepted political, economic and social rights also influences the efficiency of migration management. New kinds of rights such as the right to live in a clean, natural environment, the right to information or group rights (important for ethnic minorities) are being added. Measures guaran-teeing their protection created by the State are applied in their dominant part to immigrants. Inter-national obligations, which the State accepts following signed agreements, strengthens respecting these rights. Adopting of universal or regional standards of human rights protection is not only a symptom of civilizational development but also a test of the open character of liberal democra-cies.

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2. Polish immigration policy evolution

Migration policy is not shaped by an isolated state. Modern states function within rich envi-ronments, co-shaping both the global and regional migration systems. As a result of the continuous flow of migrants, social and economic networks are created as well as political ones that have been expanding for a few decades [23, 17]. International cooperation as it regards policies towards immi-grants is on the increase and ideas are transferred into national systems.

The administrative and bureaucratic traditional migration policy type is replaced by a model of migration management based on the idea that such a policy should consider the processes of population movement as a whole and attempt to shape a new model of society. It should also con-tain predictions taking into account all consequences of taken actions. These will be made up pri-marily of economic but also social, cultural and political consequences. Polish immigration policy has chance of meeting all these assumptions as well as avoiding crucial problems that occur mostly in countries of “immigration status”.

After 1989, Poland started creating such a policy from scratch. It was shaped by two process-es: political transformation and European integration. Waves of refugees, economic migration and illegal immigration so far experienced outside the country started occurring also in Poland. At the same time, joining the EU influenced the modification of the policy being created as a result of the transfer of EU legal and institutional norms. Poland found itself in the centre of the East-West migration routes.

The lack of the tradition of a “hosting country” led to the fact that in the first stage of the mi-gration policy development (1989 – 2001) no coherent programme of procedures was worked out with regards to immigrants. No migration doctrine was formulated that would reflect the state’s and citizens’ attitude towards foreigners and form foundations for norms of newly passed legal acts and programmes [12, 50–51]. Wider opening of the borders resulted in the increasing influx of foreigners and showed basic political deficiency. According to the estimations of the Government Population Council, from 1991–2001, there were 84,000 immigrants who arrived in Poland, half of whom were Poles coming back to their homeland [12, 53]. Those immigrants came mostly from the states of the former Soviet Union, Vietnam and Romania. In 1990 an inflow of refugees was also observed. Partially, they were deported from Sweden, which regarded Poland as a safe coun-try, capable of providing them necessary protection. The rest of them came from regions with ethnic and national conflicts in the territory of the collapsing USSR. For many immigrants Poland became only a transit country in their journey to final destinations in Western Europe as Poland’s economic conditions were not attractive enough. The geographical and political position of Poland contributed to the increase of immigration at the same time [24].

Joining international structures (membership of the Council of Europe, Organization for Eco-nomic Cooperation and Development) and taking up negotiations to join the European Community (the Association Agreement was signed in 1991) became the main reasons for strengthening the relatively liberal regulations concerning various migration issues. This led to the gradual prolonga-tion of the wait time for entrance visas for foreigners who had been expelled before (from 2 to 3 years in 2001). Also the requirements for people applying for a temporary stay permit (visa) and conducting business were increased as well as the authorities limited the educational reasons of granting a temporary stay permit to university education. The restrictive character of the regula-tions was also seen in the denial of including the period of studying as residence period or

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pro-longing naturalization waiting time up to 10 years. The migration barrier was also created by the decision to make immigrants’ children born in Poland undergo the whole naturalization procedure [23, 17–18].

The necessity to adjust Polish law to EU standards contributed to passing in June 1997 the act on foreigners that annulled the formerly amended act from 1963 [17].In October 1997, the New Constitution guaranteed foreigners rights to gain the status of a refugee, maintaining at the same time a traditional Polish institution of an asylum. The amended act on foreigners introduced vari-ous visa categories: staying visa, staying with work permit, transit and repatriate ones. It also determined situations that allowed for the refusal of granting a visa (posing threat to country’s interests, being suspected of drug and weapon trafficking, allowing others to illegally cross the border), introduced temporary residence permit and for settling down. The act dealt finally with the problem of invitations allowing foreigners to enter and stay in Poland as well as their detailed registration and checking. The inviting party was burdened with the costs of stay, medical treat-ment or potential expulsion. This decision concerned mainly immigrants from neighbouring east-ern countries and contributed to worsening relations with them [11, 58–59]. The legislation of that period concentrated mainly on foreigners’ obligations and avoided their rights. In that aspect it was stricter than the corresponding regulations in Western European countries. It is worth emphasizing that until 2003 pursuant to the act, immigration decisions were to a large extent left to administra-tion – their taking depended on the decisions made by clerks.

In 2001 a central body of government administration – Repatriation and Foreigners’ Office (UdRiC) was created. The Minister of Foreign Affairs was excluded from the decision making process and the establishment of the above institution deprived the Minister of Internal Affairs of the responsibility for this field. Institutional disorganization was even deepened by the fact of transferring to the Minister of Economy, Labour and Social Policy of the supervision of European funds destined for helping refugees and immigrants (European Social Fund, EQUAL Community Initiative, Refugees’ Fund). The dispersion of authority with the lack of interest of migration is-sues by politicians (except the Senate – Upper Chamber of the Parliament that dealt actively with issues connected with the Polish community abroad) made it impossible to work out one migration strategy of the State at that period [11, 51].

International cooperation, however, contributed to the ordering of the migration system during the transformation period. In 1991, Poland ratified the Convention devoted to the refugees’ status (Geneva Convention) from 1951 and the New York Protocol from 1967. In 1992, a Connection Office of the UN High Commissionar for Refugees in Warsaw was set up. In 1993 Poland also became a signatory of the European Convention on Protection of Human Rights and Basic Free-doms adopted by the Council of Europe in 1950. Moreover, many readmission agreements were signed, including the one with Germany and the Ukraine.

The next stage of the migration policy (2002–2003) was marked as the time of intensive prep-arations to join the EU. The crucial problem was making Poland’s eastern border better secured as it was to become external EU border. The need to adjust Polish law to that of the EU gave rise to the preparation of new regulations. The regulations governing entrance and stay of citizens of EU

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member states [18]1 and on foreigners [19] were adopted, as well as those aimed at providing for-eigners protection on the territory of the country [20]. In the Polish legislation, institutions of asy-lum and status of a refugee were introduced by the Act of 1997. As asyasy-lum is a symbol of state’s sovereignty, it is mainly granted because of important state interest. In Poland asylum applications are extremely rare and in the case of their rejections the applicant usually tries to gain the status of a refugee. Until 2003, over 30,000 applications for refugee status had been submitted (it was granted to 1,419 foreigners). The biggest groups of applicants came from Bosnia and Herzegovina, Russia (mainly of Chechen nationality), Somalia, Sri Lanka and Afghanistan. However, in 2003, there were only 6,909 people who applied for refugee status (216 of them received it, whereas 23 were granted permit for tolerated stay) Most applicants were Chechens with others coming from Afghanistan, India, Pakistan and Armenia [11, 64–65]. The Act of 2003, besides prescribing rules for obtaining visas and the visa obligations for eastern neighbours, introduced also a new form of legalizing a foreigner’s stay in Poland – tolerated stay. It may be granted if the immigrant does not meet the requirements of a refugee as well as requirements to be granted complementary protec-tion. The granting of a residence permit (for the period of 12 months) gives the same advantages (being able to work without additional permit, access to social benefits and education) as is en-joyed by a person whom a permit for living for definite period was granted.

At this stage of migration policy development preceding joining EU, Poland made use of the financial funds from the European Refugee Fund established in 2000 by the Council of the Euro-pean Union. According to the Council’s decision, the Fund’s support was to be destined for the improvement of conditions of receiving refugees, integration of people whose stay in the member state is long-term and help in voluntary repatriations. The total amount of funds transferred to Polish beneficiaries amounted to 414,000 euro in 2004. Though at that time migration to Poland was on the increase; the scale of the phenomenon as compared to western countries was negligible. According to data collected during the General Census from 2002, there were 14,500 foreigners staying permanently, whereas the stay of 24.100 was temporary [3]. Registered data show that from 1990–2008 over 100,000 immigrants became registered to live un Poland [24]. The scale of the phenomenon shows that gradually the State adopted international standards and was adjusting to them in accordance with the country’s economic possibilities. Still, however, the developing migration policy lacked precisely-defined national goals and the actions taken were aimed at meet-ing the EU requirements.

This direction was maintained in the next stage, i.e. after May 1, 2004 when Poland became an EU member. It is mostly characterized by actions resulting from EU cooperation, especially taking part in designing the EU migration policy. It is manifested in two forms: an internal one that relates to the moving of EU citizens and their families and an external one concerning citizens of third countries (from outside the EU). The joint framework of acting of member states was deter-mined by the European Council in 2004 by the adopted so-called Hague Programme that was also a summary of the agreements reached thus far regarding that policy (among others from Tampere). It mentions several priorities: strengthening of basic and civil rights, intensification of activities against international terrorism, defining a sustainable attitude towards migration processes (both

1 Currently these issues in Polish legislation are regulated by the Act of 14 July 2006 on the entry on the territory of

Poland, the stay and exit from the territory by nationals of EU Member States and their family members, Dz. U. 2006, Nr 144, poz. 1043.

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legal and illegal), establishing joint asylum procedures, maximalization of the positive influence of migration, development of an integrated system of managing external EU borders, reaching a proper balance between one’s right to privacy and safety in the process of information exchange, preventing organized crime, development of European justice area as well as the division of re-sponsibility and solidarity of the member states [6]. The programme extends the EU breakthrough areas of migration activities as emphasized in the Treaty establishing the European Union (1992) and the Amsterdam Treaty (1997), to which, by virtue of one of the protocols, the Schengen acquis was incorporated into mainstream European Union law.2

One of the basic rights guaranteed in the European law is the freedom of movement. Initially, it concerned only economic migrant (employees) citizens of the members states, but since 1993 all UE citizens have been included. The freedom to move and settle down within EU was of crucial importance for the intensification of migration in Europe, also the inflow of third-country nation-als. As a result, the EU's main purpose became external border protection, visa and asylum policies that concentrates on harmonization of regulations, application of cooperation and coordination mechanisms, the establishment of an integrated system of risk evaluation and analysis as well as preparing management staff. In order to manage the system of protecting external borders effi-ciently, in 2004 a special EU Frontex Agency was established in Poland (European Agency for Management of Operational Cooperation at External Borders of the Member States of the EU). The decision was taken in reaction to a sudden increase in illegal immigration from North Africa through the Spanish and Italian borders. Steps were also taken to create joint mobile troops of border protection (European Corps of Border Protection). The influx of immigrants into the EU is controlled in accordance with common visa policy settlements. It is based on making lists of third countries whose citizens are obliged to have visas to stay within EU territory, common visa proce-dures and requirements or common visa forms. In 2004 the Council of the European Union took the decision (2004/512/EC) to establish the Visa Information System (VIS) that allows the ex-change of visa data between Member States, and enables authorized national authorities to enter and update visa data and to consult these data electronically. The possession of a visa of a member state authorizes to move freely (with some limitations) over the whole EU territory.

The regulations and other EU legal instruments reflect the creation of a common EU asylum policy. In spite of efforts (Dublin convention of 1990 and Council Regulation of 2003, so-called Dublin II – 343/2003/EC, Treaties of Maastricht and Amsterdam, establishment of Common Eu-ropean Asylum System) defined standards are rather limited with regards to granting refugee status and conditions of accepting asylum seekers in member states. However, it was defined which third countries should be treated as safe. In 2003 EURODAC system started functioning – a database of fingerprints of people applying for refugee status. EU member state has the right to grant subsidi-ary protection and temporsubsidi-ary protection (for one year) with rights similar to those of a refugee. The institutions supporting the asylum policy are data collection and information exchange centres as well as Schengen computer system and units of European Police (Europol), whereas financial support is mainly provided by the European Refugee Fund.

2 This heritage includes mainly provisions of the Schengen Agreement June 14, 1985 on the gradual abolition of

in-ternal border controls (signed by Benelux countries, France and Germany), the Convention implementing the Schengen Agreement from 1990 and accesion agreements for new Member States. Poland joined the Schengen Area December 21, 2007.

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The challenge for the EU is to create a Common European Asylum System, whose construc-tion was planned to end in 2012. The aim is to establish a uniform definiconstruc-tion of refugee status, subsidiary and temporary protection, determination of the Member State responsible for an asylum application, the adoption of common procedures for granting and withdrawing asylum status or subsidiary protection. To achieve these objectives, two packages of so-called Asylum Directives were prepared (in two periods). Of the five pieces of legislation discussed today, the Qualification Directive (Directives 2011/95/EU of European Parliament and of the Council of 13 December 2011) has been adopted and the consensus has been reached on standards for the reception of asy-lum seekers. The directive on asyasy-lum procedures, the “Dublin” Regulation and the EURODAC Regulation are still in talks.

EU migration policy formulates also aims concerning immigrants’ integration with the hosting society and state. The main directions of actions were defined as long as in 1999 at the Council of Europe meeting in Tampere. It was there that the rule of fair treatment of third countries’ nationals was adopted as well as the need to provide equal rights to long-term residents with those of EU citizens and encourage them to naturalization. The process of integration should be supported by fighting social exclusion, discrimination, racism and xenophobia. In 1998 the European Center for Monitoring Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC) was created. The progress of the common integra-tion policy is not big as the main obstacle is the perseverance of naintegra-tional models of integraintegra-tion based on one’s own idea of national community, citizenship, and tradition but also depending on the size and type of immigration, which results in different attitudes towards integration problems and ways of solving them.

The European Union in order to achieve its aims of migration policy, started a new framework programme Solidarity and managing migration flows from 2007–2013 (in two stages of planning). It assumes the establishment of instruments and funds, besides the above mentioned European Fund of External Borders and European Fund for Refugees, European Fund for Return of Immi-grants and European Fund for the Integration of Third-country Nationals. The programmes’ im-plementation should be applied within the management division between member states and the European Commission. The countries have the right to choose suitable measures as a result of individual analysis of needs and strategies adjusted to one’s own internal situation after discussing them with the European Commission.

Polish EU membership has accelerated the process of legal and organizational modernization. Pursuant to the act from 2003 UdRC was replaced in 2007 by the Office for Foreigners, and the rights to deal with matters connected with repatriation and citizenship were transferred to the Min-istry of Internal Affairs and Administration (currently MIA). The Office is competent to handle cases connected with granting and depriving of the status of a refugee or asylum seeker. It is sec-ond appeal instance from the head of the province’s decision as regards stay legalization. It also supervises the head of the province as it pertains to his/her implementation of tasks connected with migration and exile matters. It also functions as a central visa institution. The Office holds a cen-tral register of data regarding the granting or losing of Polish citizenship and Polish collection of registers and files concerning foreigners – “Pobyt”. The Office has also an electronic database of information about foreigners’ origin countries – “wiatowid” managed by the head of the Office. The Office supervises 12 refugee centres [16].

The establishment of the Office was the next attempt to consolidate subjects managing migra-tions. The leading role is played by the Minister of Internal Affairs, who coordinates activities

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connected with migration policy and supervises the head of the Office, Police and Border Protec-tion as well as the Minister of Labour and Social Policy, State Labour InspecProtec-tion, Minister of For-eign Affairs and heads of the provinces. The forFor-eign issues are also handled by other ministries (such as the Ministry of Economy, Ministry of Finance, Ministry of National Education, Ministry of Science and Higher Education etc) as well as various central institutions (such as Internal Safety Agency) and inter-departmental offices. The tasks in the field of social welfare and education are carried out by municipalities and counties. Administrative courts are proper institutions for for-eigners’ cases (16 provincial courts and a Central Administrative Court). A special role is played by the President of the Republic of Poland (he grants Polish citizenship and agrees to resignation from it). The division of competence among so many subjects does not facilitate conducting a uniform migration policy. Specifically, the lack of coherence in relations between heads of prov-inces and the Office is emphasized. Moreover, such complicated structure becomes less efficient as it takes up new, more numerous tasks connected with European cooperation. Therefore, a con-centration of the system by strengthening the Office’s competence is proposed. In many EU coun-tries such systems are centralized and most migration duties are performed by governmental agen-cies. Such concentration allows for the easier exchange of information; it also, harmonizes and

shortens the decision-making process and facilitates international communication [

24].

3. Proposals of the immigration policy reforms

From the point of view of the modern state, experiences of immigration states and perceived deficiencies, Polish migration policy (including immigration sector) is waiting for final settlement of many basic problems and consideration of submitted proposals.

1. Migration policy should have global character with clearly defined long-term goals. Its short-term designing is not sufficient, which is proved by experiences of some European countries e.g. economic migrations in Germany gave rise to many social and political problems [15, 4–6; 10, 7; 4; 8, 44–45].

2. Migration strategy should take into account directions of national foreign policy and relate to them in its activities within the EU. Currently, a sign of such an attempt is adopted by the Council of Europe in 2009 Polish initiative of Eastern Partner Agreement directed towards Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia and Moldova. It is aimed at getting these countries and its communities closer to the EU. A visible result was the establishment of “small border crossing conception” with the Ukraine (in 2009) and Belarus (in 2010) as well as with Russia (visa free crossing borders with Kaliningrad Circle). However, there is a need to establish institutional mechanisms of cooperation as it pertains to promoting mobility, freedom of people flow, workforce, students and preventing threats to EU’s and Poland’s internal safety. It would be beneficial to take up the initiative of extending the plan of the European Commission’s Global Attitude towards Migration [5] by countries of Central Asia as well as to develop cooperation with third countries resulting in the increase of readmission agreements. The constructed strategy should have a direct relation to the developed trend of exclusion of European migration system and European-stronghold.

3. The issues of integration should be resolved according to the model of integration accepted by the hosting society. Classical migration conceptions – pluralistic and

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assimilative ones face severe confrontation in contemporary Europe [14, 21–42, 131– 134; 1, 378–395]. Despite many deficiencies of both systems – republican, assimilative system represented by France that assumes integration based on values and order of the secular country, and multicultural model of Great Britain3, it is necessary to determine borders for an immigrant functioning within the public area. The European Commission’s recommendation points to the assimilative direction [7]. In the atmosphere of increasing xenophobia in Europe, fear of “strangers” and instrumentation of immigration matters by political parties for their election aims, it seems that cultural-based integration should be supported.

4. The ghetto character of immigrants’ clusters does not contribute to integration. The experiences of “immigration countries” prove that the source of social conflicts is the cultural closing of immigrants’ ethnic communities resulting from occupying a certain territory [15, 6; 8, 39]. The state should as part of its immigration policy predict the possibility of geographical allocation of immigrants. Currently, the biggest immigration communities may be found in mazowieckie province, where the work offer is the best. 5. Naturalization allows the acceleration of immigrants’ integration. Unfortunately, a new

act on Polish citizenship has not shortened the required time of foreigner’s lawful stay that allows him/her to apply to be granted citizenship [21]. Some categories of immigrants are required to live lawfully for at least 10 years. It facilitated, however, the citizenship granting to EU citizens, introduced administrative granting procedures (decision by the head of the province) as well as checking of the command of Polish. Under certain conditions, it can be applied to refugees, stateless people and their children. In Polish legislation still the rule of ius sanguinis (origin circumstances) is in force, and the application of ius soli (settlement circumstances) is substantially limited. As a result, children of lawful immigrants born in Poland were not offerred any more convenient way of acquiring citizenship. The restrictive origin rule, as proved by German experiences [13, 63–64], hampers integration and maintains the situation of isolation. Poland, contrary to many European countries, has conducted so far very few acts of granting citizenship, though new regulations have brought it closer to ratification of the European Convention on Citizenship by the Council of Europe.

6. An important aspect of the migration policy is the participation in public and political life. Obtaining the ability to take part in political life takes place at the regional level by granting immigrants both political and voting rights. In Poland, citizens of third countries, having legal residence status, gain full political rights only after being granted Polish citizenship although they have access to some political freedoms (freedom to organize and take part in peaceful gatherings, to join political parties and trade unions, social, professional or employers’ organizations) [9, 75]. Foreigners in Poland also enjoy the right to unite, set up foundations and apply to the Polish Ombudsman. In most European countries (for example in Holland or Great Britain) immigrants of such category enjoy at least the active voting right in local election, and consulting bodies consisting of the government and immigration communities are created [8, 49–50; 2]. In Poland, there are

3 Germany's and Great Britain's Prime Ministers oficially declared a failure of multiculturalism policy (Angela

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no such advisory bodies where the immigrants’ participation would guarantee their influence on the decision making process.

7. The conception of managing economically-motivated immigration (EU project of Blue Card or German Green Card [15, 15]), the aim of which is recruiting desirable (both highly skilled and unskilled) foreign workers based on certain quotas and point systems (following the Australian example) should offer unlimited right of residence. The proposed 2-year period is not an attractive proposal for potential economic immigrants nor it is a remedy for demographic problems. Currently, in Poland economic immigration has circulative character but such situation may change if the trend of increasing inflow of Chinese workers is maintained.

8. Institutional changes should take into account the establishment of an independent integration body reporting to the head of Office for Foreigners that would coordinate all-comprising system of migration programmes, monitor the situation of foreigners legalizing their stay in Poland by collecting information and making it accessible to the relevant offices as well as participate in shaping immigration policy. Such a central office should also have the task of running a register of immigrants’ organizations and associations taking into account their economic, social and cultural profile. Institutional reform should also assume the establishment of a body responsible for promoting an open attitude and tolerance towards foreigners by the hosting society. Such solutions are applied by the German Federal Office for Migration and Refugees or French l’Office Nationale d’Integration, whose activities are highly regarded.

9. In the field of integration it is essential to implement pre-integration programs for people in detention centers (guarded). Such programs, implemented for example in Sweden, fasten and make integration easier with the host society.

10. Polish legislation allows for the expulsion of a foreigner during the proceedings before the administrative court. The appeal procedure against decisions of the administrative authority for refugee status should include the right to suspend the expulsion before the court judgment is delivered.

11. Preventing illegal immigration by legalization programmes (amnesty, abolition) should be harmonized at the EU level. In 2003, 2007 and 2011 [22]. Poland adopted regulations allowing legalization of the stay by foreigners’ with unclear legal status. However, the positive results may be overshadowed by the threat of attracting other immigrants, who will count on abolition.4 In the situation when a lawful stay gives the right to move freely within Schengen zone, harmonization of EU rules offers chance to avoid disputes over responsibility for spreading illegal immigration, costs and lack of border checks. The effects of the amnesty in Spain or Italy show the scale of the problem.

12. Effective management requires a modern central monitoring system, which will not only facilitate the control of immigration based on gathered data but also will contribute to the creation of an immigration policy. In Poland, to a large extent, the data on immigration issues rests at the disposal of bodies carrying out specific tasks in the field of migration and foreigners' affairs. Therefore, it is necessary to create an integrated database that

4 Until 27.08.12, 9,520 abolition applications had been registered, i.e. more than the total amount from previous

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would enable a comprehensive analysis. In addition, such a monitoring system should include the collection of data on the needs of different segments of the labor market, qualifications of immigrants, as well as the place and period of their stay. This would help to determine the required labor migration. “Map Aliens”, a program led since 2009 by the Border Guard Headquarters (the creation of data set on activities and location of immigrants) seems to partly meet the needs of such monitoring. For the same reasons, the modernization of the “Stay” program, which includes national registry records in the field of immigration, and a running INEX system (a database that allows configuring pre-defined data) and modernization of the social security system have the potential to become an important instrument in monitoring. However, there is also a need for a rapid integration of agencies managing the records at both central and local government level, and for unification of basic concepts (in accordance with the EU) associated with the stay of foreigners. Today, it is also necessary to monitor the effectiveness of integration programs, to track foreigners who benefited from amnesty and to study Polish society's sentiments against immigrants. These actions will help to assess the effectiveness of integration policies and to prevent negative phenomena, such as racism and xenophobia. 4. Conclusions

The aforementioned problems do not fully address the multi-aspect problem of managing mi-gration. The State’s policy in this respect is determined by strong historical, national, cultural, economic and political issues. The small size of the current immigration in Poland does not release the State from shaping an independent migration policy. The efficiency of the management will depend on its reaction speed to the migration phenomena and on the choice of suitable measures to facilitate such management. Legal and institutional changes are needed, as well as enriching finan-cial instruments and improving monitoring. Polish migration policy is shaped by our conditions of EU membership. The process of two-dimensional (national and international) management of migration, though very complex, creates opportunities of multiplying benefits and avoiding mis-takes of some more experienced immigration countries. One can believe that the currently negoti-ated EU Asylum Package and the provisions of the Stockholm Programme (2010), which provides a roadmap for European Union work in the area of justice, freedom and security for the period 2010–14 will modernize the European and Polish model of migration management.

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[21] Ustawa z dnia 2 kwietnia 2009 r. o obywatelstwie polskim, Dz. U. 2012, Nr 0, poz. 161. [22] Ustawa z dnia 28 lipca 2011 r. o zalegalizowaniu pobytu niektórych cudzoziemców na

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[24] Zespół do Spraw Migracji, Polityka migracyjna Polski – stan obecny i postulowane działa-nia. [Online]. Available at: http://www.osw.waw.pl/sites/default/files/Polityka_migracyjna _Polski_-_wersja_06-04-2011.pdf.

PROBLEMY ZARZĄDZANIA NOWOCZESNYM PAēSTWEM W PERSPEKTYWIE EWOLUCJI POLSKIEJ POLITYKI IMIGRACYJNEJ

Streszczenie

Na skutek napływu imigrantów powstaj nowe obszary działania pastwa. W artykule przedstawiono modele polityki nowoczesnego pastwa wobec imigran-tów. Problematyk ukazano na tle praktyki krajów Unii Europejskiej. Zaproponowa-no w nim katalog instrumentów usprawniajcych zarzdzanie sfer imigracji.

Słowa kluczowe: zarzdzanie pastwem, polska polityka imigracyjna, modele polityki imigracyjnej

Lidia Nowakowska Katedra Marketingu Wydział Zarzdzania

Uniwersytet Technologiczno-Przyrodniczy w Bydgoszczy ul. Fordoska 430, 85-790 Bydgoszcz

Cytaty

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