CHANGING PATTERNS OF MIGRATION IN POLAND. INTEGRATION OF MIGRANT WOMEN
IN THE POLISH LABOUR MARKET AND SOCIETY
Introduction
Th e systemic shift in Poland after 1989 generated great transformations in the spatial mobility of people: outside, towards, and within Polish borders. Migratory movements – i.e. both emigrations and immigrations – adapt to the social, political, and economic changes taking place globally as well as more locally; they illustrate migratory phenomena heretofore unknown or barely noticeable. Still, although Poland continues to be primarily an outfl ow territory, female migrants from this and other countries in Central and Eastern Europe are shaping new forms and patterns of mobility. Th ese include irregular or circular migrations, or rotational systems of work; women are also taking up predetermined types of jobs in receiving states like Italy or Spain (Metz-Goeckel, Morokvasic and Munst 2008).
After the shift to democracy and capitalism, Poland became part of a new European migration system in which values, norms, and rules exist in reference to population fl ows. Th e mobility is shaped by histori- cal, political, cultural, and geographical factors, but also by situational factors such as sudden events. On the other hand, the migration policy model being created in Poland is infl uenced by the fall of communism and the process of European integration. Th e very fact of accession and
necessity to implement acquis communautaires, including regulations of the Schengen treaty, implied that work and debates on Polish migration legislation were, to a large extent, a derivative of the process of integration with the EU (Iglicka, Kaźmierkiewicz and Mazur-Rafał 2003, p. 22).
However, it should be strongly stressed that this is expressed mostly in adjustment to the EU policy, rather than in the invention of its own regulations, emphasising the national distinction and humanitarian traditions of Poland. Th erefore, what is noted in literature on this subject is the Europeanisation of Polish migration policy (Weinar 2005).
Th e shaping of migration law was a long-term process and did not involve the political battle which is typical of Western European states.
Th is law was universally accepted in the absence – very signifi cantly – of a broad social discussion. Debates were carried out in the Parliament, Senate, and parliamentary committees, and the society is informed
‘from above’ about the decisions and rules which are elaborated (Weinar 2005). Th is method leads to the non-politicisation of immigration issues and an absence of society’s voice in the creation of policy regarding immigration and immigrants. In contrast, in Western countries, public attitudes very often infl uence the decisions of legislative elites.
Th is paper attempts to review the academic literature concerning the infl ux of immigrant women into Poland and issues related to their integration. Th e timeframe considered is the beginning of the systemic transformation in Poland until the most recently available publications of 2009. With its long tradition as a sending country, the infl ow of immigrants into Poland is a new phenomenon – albeit still on a much smaller scale compared to Western European countries.1 Studies on international mobility carried out in this country are decidedly superseded by those focusing on emigration and the Polish diaspora in traditional settlement countries, such as the USA, the United Kingdom, and Germany, as well as those not appearing on the map of destination countries until the 1990s. Th e theoretical debate taking place in many
1 Unpublished data of the FeMiPol project on infl ow of foreigners in ‘Labour market demand for female migrants: Th e Polish Case’ (see Slany, Ślusarczyk, Krzystek 2007).
European countries has not been signifi cantly refl ected in Polish litera- ture on the migration and integration process.
Here one should point out the lack of studies stressing a gender perspective in Poland, let alone from a feminist one. In a country with a national-Catholic tradition, with patriarchal glorifi cation of the model of Matka Polka (the Polish archetypal mother assigned to the family and the land, sorrowful, weeping, but managing the household) rooted in the social consciousness, emancipation and feminist discourses were and still are critically reviewed and written off . Poland waited very long for a new paradigm, that of gender and feminist research: the fi rst important studies appeared after the year 2000.
Undertaking this work have mostly been young female scholars who had contact with French, German, British, or American university centres. Th e internationalisation of research into migration and gender studies bears fruit in the broadening of research horizons and conduct- ing of research projects applying the postmodern paradigm, taking pluralism, variation, anti-fundamentalism, and cultural gender into consideration. Our task here is to draw attention to the social issues of immigrant women; this, in turn, could evoke and instil a social and political discourse devoted to the evident and signifi cant problems regarding Polish women.
Th e most reliable source on numbers of immigrants in Poland is the results of the National General Census carried out in 2002 in which, for the fi rst time, an attempt was made to provide a quantitative recognition of the phenomenon of immigration. Ewa Jaźwińska describes these results as ‘important, invaluable material’ since ‘estimating migratory fl ow and sources on the basis of partial research is practically impossible’
( Jaźwińska 2006, p. 2).2 However, even the data attained are not error- free; they were not spared criticism highlighting inaccurate assessments of migratory fl ows. Łukasz Tanajewski (2006) blames neglect in the preparation and execution of the census, as well as the fact that
2 Th e estimated number of undocumented immigrants varies between 500,000 and almost 1.5 million.
immigrants – particularly those without papers – would deliberately avoid the census-taker.3 Furthermore, registration fi gures do not provide exhaustive information on infl ows, leaving out important categories of immigrants, such as the pendular or informal. Other sources of data are the General System of Population Statistics, and the Central Statistical Offi ce. One problem arises from the fact that these government agencies register permanent departures and arrivals, and hence present only a part of the picture (Głąbicka et al. 1997). Scholars also draw data from employment departments, from the Offi ce for Foreigners and the Department of Citizenship and Repatriation, as well as from the police and border patrol.
Research overview
In research on immigration to Poland we can distinguish at least two phases remaining under the infl uence of important factors of an exo- genic and endogenic nature. Th e fi rst phase encompasses the 1990s;
thesecond is developing in a manner typical of the post-2000 period and more evident since 2004 (especially after Poland’s entrance into the EU).4
Th e fi rst, and uncommonly vigorous phase has been labelled by Marek Okólski (1998) and Krystyna Iglicka (2002) as primitive mobility considering the specifi c social and economic features, sudden and mass character of the infl ow and its stream.
Gradually transiting migrants, an immigrant work force, and refugees are fl owing into the now free Poland. Ethnic groups already settled in Poland, e.g. Vietnamese, Chinese, Armenians, Africans, and Ukrainians
3 By a census-taker, we mean the person responsible for locating households, listing addresses, as well as conducting interviews with respondents.
4 A scholarly and political debate on strategies for the compensation of losses in the labour force generated by the mass exodus in the direction of the British Isles and other older states of the EU.
(Halik and Nowicka 2002; Nowicka 2005; Marciniak 1998, 2005), as well as well as new groups of immigrants, are dynamising their socio-cultural life, but, above all, their economic activism.
Poland continues to be a relatively homogenous country nationally and ethnically, yet in the larger metropolises, especially in Warsaw, immigrant groups are visible, noticed, and systematically described.
Research dedicated to this wave has been mostly conducted at the macrosocial level on the basis of statistical data (Głąbicka et al. 1997;
Okólski 1994), or at the microsocial level, concentrating primarily on the everyday problems of migrants (e.g. Antoniewski 1997, 2002; Koryś and Antoniewski 2006; Malewska-Pyre 2001).
Dominating in the fi rst phase were explanatory studies (Kicinger and Weinar 2007). Anna Kicinger and Agnieszka Weinar stressed the role of the European research agenda since these studies fi t the European monitoring of this mobility phenomenon. Here one could point to works which comprise, above all, a description of infl ow trends into Poland and/or the CEE region (Golinowska and Marek 1994;
Szymańska 1997; Okólski 1994, 1999a; Iglicka 2000a). A signifi cant step towards expansion of the knowledge accumulated on immigration processes in Poland has been research done by the Centre of Migration Studies (see, for instance, ‘Immigrants: Socio-demographic Charac- teristics, Causes of Infl ow, Integration in Polish Society’ conducted in 1995–1997) which has combined quantitative with qualitative methodologies (Iglicka et al. 1997; Łukowski 1997). To a lesser degree they have nonetheless focused on the consequences of the infl ows.
An intensifi ed infl ow of migrants has meant that social life has transformed in the sense that migrants have become a signifi cant element. Studies show that migrants of just about every category arrive in Poland: economic migrants, refugees, transit migrants, highly quali- fi ed white-collar workers (part of the so-called managerial migration),
‘re-migrants’, and repatriates.
Th e most common problem highlighted by researchers is isolation and marginalisation amongst undocumented immigrants, connected to their lack of participation in social and cultural life. Researchers point out the existence of a dual labour market strongly favoured by labour
exchange, and social networks (see Antoniewski 1997; Grzymała- Moszczyńska and Nowicka 1998). Another crucial problem which they indicate concerns the ambiguity of discrimination of immigrants in Poland. Offi cial statistics frequently refute the concept (see Supińska et al. 2003), while empirical research suggests that discrimination does take place. Worthy of note are, for instance, the studies carried out by Antoni Rajkiewicz’s research group (1998) on jobs taken by Ukrainians and Belarusians and taking into consideration employment in the grey area of the economy. Th is research found that, irrespective of legal status (those with or without papers), immigrants experienced discrimination in the labour market (e.g. lower pay, longer working hours, unclear contracts etc.), as well as poor living conditions. We can assume that discriminatory practices towards immigrants aff ect both women and men equally.
A signifi cant proportion of the immigrant population is made up of pendular migrants. According to Łukowski (1997), these migrations are encouraged by the existence of international manufacture and trade corporations encompassing grey-market producers, bazaar merchants, and transport carriers around which a large-scale service sector has developed. Research on migration has also addressed the issue of the integration process of economic immigrants.
Th e fi rst, highly visible group arriving en masse in the 1990s comprised citizens of the former USSR, described by Poles as ‘Russians’
although they represented various countries. Th is huge wave, as Iglicka (2003) observes, has evoked a fascination not only among Polish migration scholars (Morokvasic and de Tinguy 1993). Unfortunately, however, the social and economic results of the ‘Russians’ were not sociologically or anthropologically studied from a gender perspective.
Still, it is worth emphasising that, during this period, in all Polish cities, large and small, a constant element of the social landscape was ‘petty- trade’, ‘shuttle mobility’ or circular migration. Sociological observations indicate that women very frequently participated in this form of migration – sometimes both spouses or even whole families became involved. As a result of the economic collapse of communism, the lack of work, the enormous unemployment, and the end of a system of
state-guaranteed social protection, women took their lives into their own hands and began seeking new life strategies as well as a new identity – among other ways – via undertaking migration. Th e cross-border
‘migration enterprise’ constituted an important element in the descrip- tion of the newly emerging migration patterns for women. Th is cross- border trading activity was not rarely a path to the establishment of large companies by women in Ukraine, a path towards upward mobility.
Most attention was cast on the phenomenon of petty trade and pendular migrations (Iglicka 1997, 1999; Stola 1997; Okólski 1997), documenting their subsequent transformation into permanent migra- tions. Studies in Warsaw and the Mazowieckie province indicate a strong feminisation in this group and signifi cant participation of matrimonial migrations in the overall numbers (with female spouses of Polish male citizens dominating). Ewa Kępińska explains that this occurs due to ‘a lack of political-economic stability in systemic trans- formation countries such as Ukraine as well as a general striving of women towards a “better life”’ (Kępińska 2001, p. 50).
After the introduction of border restrictions in 1998, some of the immigrant women ‘from the East returned to their countries, (while) some rooted themselves and undertook jobs, most frequently on the informal labour market. Here “primitive migration” began to change into what was more typical, especially for women of Central and Eastern Europe – rotational and temporary migration (Iglicka and Sword 1999). Who, when, and to what extent they came to Poland, depended above all on visa policies pertaining to neighbours on the eastern border.
Immigrants from the East, especially Ukrainians, are mainly employed as domestic workers, and thanks to cultural similarities and sometimes their Polish spouses, they easily adapt to Polish culture and make closer contact with Poles than with other immigrants from Ukraine (Górny et al. 2007). On the other hand, studies show that, despite this facilitated assimilation, there is a lack of eff ective channels permitting a transition from temporary economic migration to suc- cessful settlement and integration in Poland (Okólski and Grzymała- Kazłowska 2003).
As a result, most research projects focus on migration trade economy.
Inscribed in this trend are investigations into the situation of immigrants into Poland led in 1995 by Krystyna Iglicka in Medyka and Terespol (key border towns on the eastern side). Iglicka was one of the fi rst scholars in Poland to demonstrate the huge signifi cance of the infl ow of women from Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Armenia. She also conducted surveys in the Warsaw metropolitan area which examined the work performed by immigrants (among whom women dominated). Th ese females not only take up jobs in trade, but also do seasonal agricul- tural labour and perform domestic service. Th e persons studied were foreigners with permanent residence permits, foreigners with visas, and unregistered migrants.
Th e socio-political transformation has made an impact on the levels of return migration. Poland has come to be perceived as a country of new opportunities, especially attractive for specialists (such as managers or engineers) and people willing to start up their own businesses in an emerging market economy.
In the 1990s, however, it proved diffi cult to determine the exact numbers of re-migrants, since the Central Statistical Offi ce collected information based solely on the immigrant’s country of origin while not accounting for citizenship. Furthermore, it is important also to consider people who have not offi cially registered their departure and whose return therefore escapes statistics (see Fihel, Górny and Matejko 2006;
Jończy 2003). It is estimated that, in the 1990s, remigrants may have made up as much as half of the infl ow to Poland (Iglicka 2002).
Reliable data were made fi rst available through the 2002 National Census, which provided information on the number of migrants, their citizenship, the country in which they last lived, as well as their socio- demographic traits. Analyses based on the fi ndings of that census (Fihel, Górny and Matejko 2006) understand remigrants to be Polish citizens (even if they hold other citizenships) who returned from abroad between 1989 and 2002 and permanently reside in Poland. Other, more inclusive defi nitions are also applied, such as those taking second- generation emigrants into account (Górny and Osipovic 2006) – that is, persons who left Poland as children, returned after 1989, but who may or may not hold Polish passports.
Repatriates constitute a special category: these are people of Polish origin, coming to Poland with a repatriation visa and with the intention to settle permanently. Among the incoming migrating peoples they constitute a small but quite signifi cant community. Between 1998 and 2005, about 1779 families entered Poland, primarily from Kazakhstan (Kępińska 2006). Th e members of this group acquire Polish citizenship automatically upon crossing the border. Th e repatriation drive is targeted especially at people not covered by the agreement between the USSR and Poland and previous repatriation programmes in 1945–1948 and 1956–1959.5
Publications emphasise that repatriates are mostly made up of peo- ple born abroad, who are not aware of Poland’s cultural and economic realities, and generally possess only a fragmentary knowledge of the country (Hut 2002; Piątek 2001). Paweł Hut (2002) suggests using the terms ‘impatriates’ and ‘impatriation’, as it appears that their experience is closer to that of classic immigrants – with their lack of language fl uency, lack of understanding of the social, political, and economic situation, and deep cultural diff erences – than that of returning migrants (Iglicka 1997).
Not much research has dealt with the phenomenon of refugees in Poland (see Florczak 2003). What is available usually presents results of fi eldwork conducted in refugee centres and amongst representatives of communities living in the immediate vicinity of these centres (Hryniewicz 2005; Cieślińska 2005; Grzymała-Moszczyńska 1998a, b).
Th e studies disclose, on the one hand, the adaptation mechanisms and strategies employed by the refugees confronting a new reality – a specifi c type of ‘culture shock’. On the other hand, we have the reactions of the local residents with their perception of the refugees as outsiders (see, for instance, Grzymała-Moszczyńska and Nowicka 1998; Ząbek 2002).
5 Th e agreements in question only aff ected people in possession of Polish citizenship before 17 September 1939 (the date of the Soviet invasion). From 1945 to 1949 1.5 million people were repatriated to Poland; during the second repatriation 250,000 more came in. Most recently, between 1997 and 2003, 4259 repatriations occurred, of which 39 per cent were from Kazakhstan (Demographic Yearbook 2004).
Above all, scholars investigate the application process, the forms submitted and the ultimate rejection or acknowledgement of refugee status.
Cases in point are works by Barbara Cieślińska (2005), who analysed Chechen refugees at a centre in Białystok, as well as Maciej Ząbek (1999) and Aleksandra Kryszczuk (2002), who undertook the topic of refugees from African countries. According to Ząbek (2002), cultural dissimilarity and isolation (especially during the waiting period for a decision) cause refugees to experience feelings of being alien, diff erent, and isolated more often than other categories of immigrants. Studies conducted in refugee centres also reveal a lack of necessary knowledge and competence on the part of offi cers employed there. Particular attention should be devoted to Mikołaj Pawlak and Natalya Ryabinska’s article (2007), which assesses the eff ectiveness – or rather the lack of it – of integration programmes from the point of view of refugees.
Th e authors dispute the conviction, popular particularly among the representatives of institutions working with refugees, that they ‘don’t want’ to integrate. Th ey emphasise the gaps in the integration programmes mentioned also by Polish integration programmes (e.g. Krzystek and Małek 2008; Lesińska 2009). While most of the analysis is conducted without distinction of the gender of the refugees, it is important to note the signifi cantly increased diffi culties of in- tegration for women. Th e authors point here to restrictions related to the division of domestic responsibilities (caring for children makes it impossible for refugees to participate in the Polish lessons to which they are entitled, for example) and greater diffi culties with taking up work than men face – as a result both of the culturally imposed assignment to the domestic sphere mentioned above, and of religious factors (e.g. necessary contacts with men) (Pawlak and Ryabinska 2007).
In the fi rst phase of the infl ow to Poland signifi cant was the decisive lack of concentration on female migrations as well as the signifi cance and consequence of this process on their lives, their situation on the labour market, their circumstances in the receiving society, the course of the integration process, marginalisation, connections to the fatherland, or strategies for dealing with ‘migratory habitus’. Overwhelmed by
massive ‘tourism from the East’, more attention is paid to the aspect of its numbers, to the forms and patterns of its fl ow, and the status of the immigrants, their types of activity, and their connections with wider migratory systems. A description of the world of immigrants (as with emigrants) was basically conducted from the perspective of ‘oneness’
– without socio-cultural and economic diversifi cation, without political attributes or dimensions. Such issues as human traffi cking, prostitution, immigrant communities, mixed marriages, the labour market and attitudes of Polish society towards immigrants are connected, at least to some degree, to a gender perspective.
Studies on migrant traffi cking in Poland, conducted since the 1990s,6 are also part of the new research trend. According to the latest data of the La Strada Foundation, the estimated number of victims of human traffi cking involving Poland (as the country of victim origin, of desti- nation, or of transit) is over 15,000 annually (Ministry of Interior and Administration 2006). Factors which permit us to assume that the scale of trade in human beings is increasing include the general in- tensifi cation of migration movements, the stronger position of Poland as a transit country since its inclusion in the European Union and the Schengen zone, and the rising signifi cance of Poland as a destination.
A very important issue is the implementation of existing laws. Aside from complicated procedures, the attitude towards and manner in which victims are treated by law enforcement services and the justice system is a grave problem. Unfortunately, in the majority of cases, the police do not assume that an illegal immigrant who is a prostitute could also be
6 Similarly to other countries of the CEE region, in the 1990s Poland became an important transit channel, with the scale of this phenomenon estimated at 30,000 persons annually (Okólski 1999b). At fi rst Poland functioned as the country of origin of victims forced into prostitution, primarily in Germany and the Netherlands. Soon, however, it also became a transit country from the FSU and other Eastern European states to Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium, Austria, Switzerland, Spain, Italy, Greece, and even Israel and Japan.Th e fi rst large-scale investigation of this occurrence was conducted by the International Organisation for Migration in 1995–1997 and encompassed Poland, Hungary, and Ukraine (Kicinger and Weinar 2007).
a victim of human traffi cking. It happens that a victim is found guilty of an act imposed upon her, including the use of a false passport (Zielińska 2006). A woman who is recognised as a human traffi cking victim is granted a visa for the duration of a court trial. In the course of the trial, however, these victims are exposed to rough treatment, close encounters with the perpetrator, and/or a lack of privacy – comprising a secondary victimisation. Moreover, questioning forces them to relive traumatic experiences while very little is off ered in return: safe shelter is not guaranteed them, neither are they given means of support, work permits, or even protection from traffi ckers and pimps. Subsequent to their express deportation, these women often land back in the hands of traffi ckers (www.strada.org.pl).
According to statistics collected by the Organised Crime Bureau of the National Prosecutor, between 1995 and 2005 there were 1708 identifi ed victims of human traffi cking. Some 360 criminal cases were investigated, in the course of which 693 persons (including 82 foreigners, mostly Bulgarians and Ukrainians) were accused; 265 cases were referred to the court system, although 95 cases were dismissed because the perpetrator was not found or because no charge could be made. Th erefore, instances of human traffi cking which are brought to light and in which perpetra- tors are caught are – in comparison with the data of NGOs – barely the tip of the iceberg.
Taking into consideration various aspects of illegal migration, gender discrimination, and feminisation of poverty, a diff erent perspective on this problem is necessary. It should be approached not only from a general, human rights perspective, but also allowing for the specifi c character of women’s rights, generated by the aforementioned gender- related issues. An example can be found in some of the initiatives of Polish non-governmental organisations, such as the Parasol Association report focusing on child prostitution in Kraków – a phenomenon which took on frightening dimensions along with the rising wave of British tourists to that city. Another example is the National Programme for Fighting and Prevention of Human Traffi cking, founded in 2003 and involving various NGOs. An example of good practices might also be the information campaign conducted in Ukraine aimed at young
women, partly through consulates, pointing out possible threats and risks (Kicinger and Kloc-Nowak 2008). Research on illegal migration, gender discrimination, and feminisation of poverty conducted by these organisations, especially by La Strada, raised awareness of a need to look at human traffi cking from the perspective not only of human rights but also of women’s rights. For this reason social scientists now face the diffi cult task of describing human traffi cking, reaching the female victims, describing their history, and hearing them out.
Studies also show that Poland is a transit channel from such countries as Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, and Lebanon to Western Europe. In turn, mobility resulting from this traffi cking often leads to long-term undocumented stays in Poland. It was also found that only migrants from the former Soviet Union, Romania, Bulgaria, Vietnam, and China were willing to view Poland as a fi nal destination (Głąbicka, Halik and Sawicka 1999). An important aspect of this research was recommendations to government institutions and agencies, as both the legislature and executive branches are lacking a consistent and complete plan of action (Głąbicka 1999).
Th ere are also studies dealing with the issue of prostitution. Polish law does not treat prostitution as a profession, and off ering this kind of service is not legal, but it is also not punishable. As a consequence prostitutes are suspended somewhere between legality and illegality (Slany et al. 2006; Slany 2008). Th e number of women in this situation reaches about 7500, of which 30 per cent are foreigners, especially from Bulgaria, Russia, Belarus, Ukraine, Romania, and Moldavia. According to police statistics, there are about 1000 escort agencies which often constitute unoffi cial ‘houses of ill repute’ controlled by organised gangs and mafi as. In addition – although to a lesser degree than a few years ago – there is still roadside prostitution in Poland. Th is type befalls mostly women from Bulgaria. However, aside from women from CEE countries, as of 2007 there has been an increase in women from African countries. Furthermore, as a result of the infl ow of tourists from Western Europe into Poland, there is more frequent occurrence of sexual tour-
ism here. Th is encourages the development of the erotic entertainment sector, and thus increases the attractiveness of Poland as a destination.
Becoming more meaningful are studies devoted to migrants on the Polish labour market (to be discussed later), migrations of settlers, and the integration of immigrants into Polish society (Kicinger and Weinar 2007).7 In the case of settling migrants, two main fi elds of research manifest themselves: immigrant communities and mixed marriages (Kicinger and Weinar 2007). Based on data from the Offi ce for Re- patriation ad Foreigners, Agnieszka Fihel (2006) determines that the migrants who request permission to settle temporarily or permanently are above all from Ukraine, Russia, and Belarus, as well as a signifi cant group of Vietnamese.
Th is last group is one of the best researched. Th e Vietnamese com- munity exemplifi es elaborated migration chains and networks which guarantee the infl ow of as well as support for newcomers. Typical is a tendency to shape a ‘parallel society’ (Halik and Nowicka 2002).
Members of this group prefer to bring their families to Poland rather than form relationships with Poles, yet they do try to maintain good social relationships with Polish society (Górny et al. 2007). Antoniewski and Koryś (2002) put it simply, noting ‘the evolution of the Vietnamese diasporas towards the creation of an ethnic ghetto’. In Vietnam the grand Confucian tradition, as well as the small tradition of cults of local communities, continue to function. Similarly, in the Vietnamese milieu in Poland the cultural tradition of the settlement country becomes the
7 Once more we should emphasise the lack of holistic data collected over a long period of time permitting us to paint a fuller picture of the phenomenon.
Nevertheless, the vast majority of studies continue to focus on the fundamental themes of integration rather than on types thereof. Here we should mention a few studies: Infl ux and Integration of Migrants in Poland in the Early 21st Century (Okólski and Grzymała-Kazłowska 2003); Cudzoziemscy specjaliści w aglomeracji warszawskiej (Iglicka and Weinar 2004); Integracja czy dyskryminacja? Polskie wyzwania i dylematy u progu wielokulturowości (Iglicka 2003); Migration and its impact on labour markets in Poland and Ukraine (Iglicka 2003); and Imigranci o nieuregulowanym statusie: Społeczne i ekonomiczne aspekty funkcjonowania w Polsce (Antoniewski and Koryś 2002).
great one, while the traditions of the Vietnamese community are becoming the small culture. In the opinion of Poles, however, their embedment in Polish society is superfi cial, and the prospects for integration of this group with Polish society are viewed pessimistically.
Th ese opinions stem mostly from a sense of cultural distance and – something frequently mentioned by Polish interviewees – mysteriousness.
Th e Vietnamese themselves emphasise that many Vietnamese migrants are economic migrants who focus on economic goals and do not attach importance to learning of the language or to integration. A marked characteristic of the Vietnamese is their deep engagement and strong activity in the work sphere, above all within the framework of their own economic enterprises; in comparison, Ukrainians are generally employed by Poles as hired help (Górny et al. 2007).
Research worthy of attention among the publications concerning this ethnic group is that of Teresa Halik (2009), considering the category of gender. She concentrates on spatial mobility of Vietnamese women, discussing both internal migration and external migration to France and Poland. Th e author looks at the process of widening of the social roles of women and of the traditional family model that is the result of the decision to migrate. For Vietnamese migrant women Poland, along with France and Germany, is one of the main destination countries, and the decision to go there is infl uenced to a great degree by the existence of extended migrant networks, making it easier to function abroad.
Halik’s research, based on unstructured interviews with immigrant women in Poland and France, concerns especially the causes for migration and the reasons for remaining abroad. Typically, the migrant women were professionally active in Vietnam, and their departure was dictated above all by economic motives and hope of securing their own households. Halik describes this as ‘investment migrations’. Th e factor of helping the family (by means of money transfers) and education of children was clearly dominant in the respondents’ discourse. Frequently, the Vietnamese women made the decision to migrate on their own, generally not taking into account the opinion of the family. Halik stresses that the migrants are characterised by strong motivation and specifi c plans, but at the same time they have only a faint idea of the
realities of life abroad. In her opinion, the life situation of the migrant women after leaving Vietnam had improved, and they consider their stay abroad as satisfactory, both for economic and for socio-cultural reasons (new habits, ways of acting). When asked about their further plans, they show a defi nite desire to stay, although for immigrant women in Poland this also means considering a further emigration to Western European or North American countries in the hope of higher earnings and more stable work.
It is also worth mentioning one of the oldest and also best-researched ethnic minorities in Poland (Marciniak 1998, 2005; Koryś 2005) – the Armenians, present in Poland for eleven centuries. However, in addition to this ‘old’ group of Armenians, we also now have ‘new’ Armenians in Poland. Th e arrival of the latter is primarily a result of the dramatic situation in the Caucasus Mountain region. Contrary to other asylum seekers in Poland, Armenians do not treat Poland mainly as a country of transit to the West (Iglicka 2000c). In the case of the Armenian community a division is noticeable between the educated ‘elite’ of previous waves of migration, and recently arrived manual workers from rural areas. Unlike Ukrainian women, who migrate of their own accord, Armenians do so as families, and the community itself is characterised by good organisation of institutional structures and integration of the labour market (Slany 2008).
We know much less about other ethnic groups (Kicinger and Weinar 2007), although studies have been done of the Greek diaspora (Nowicka 2008). Also worth noting is the migration from the countries of Western Europe. Despite its rather small dimensions, Krystyna Iglicka em- phasises the meaning of this group for the economic changes in Poland, especially on the labour market (Iglicka 2003). Th e Western-educated personnel at higher management levels were particularly crucial in the initial years of the systemic transformation, even if this was limited mostly to the largest cities, above all Warsaw (Weinar 2003).
Mixed marriages are considered to be a key facilitating factor in the assimilation of immigrants. Th e research of Marta Kindler and Monika Szulecka (2009) shows that legalisation of the stay is usually secured by marriage with a Polish citizen or on the basis of proving Polish roots. In
cases in which a Polish woman or man marries a citizen of a Western country, this usually leads to emigration. On the other hand, though, when the marriage is to a citizen of a non-Western country, this tends to be connected with an immigration process. In the latter, the country of origin of the spouse is usually Ukraine or Belarus, and women dominate in both. Foreign husbands, however, originate from a broader range of places (Grzymała-Kazłowska and Okólski 2003).
Owing to concerns that many of these marriages are faked in order to obtain residency rights, the binding law on foreigners introduces regulations allowing administrative bodies to determine whether such marriages are real and have not been entered into in order to circum- vent immigration regulations (Rajkiewicz 2004). Such situations still doubtlessly occur, but the legislation, considering solely one aspect, ignores the integrative role of mixed marriages in migration processes.
Th is role is refl ected, for example, in the aim of the Association of Marriages of Poles with Foreigners, whose members try (among other things) to obtain exemptions from the obligatory work permit for non- citizen spouses and to prevent discriminatory and illegal practices employed by some civil registry offi ces. In her research into Polish- Ukrainian marriages, Ewa Kępińska (2001) also draws attention to the fi nancial stability which immigrant women gain through their migra- tion, even if they do not fi nd work in the receiving country.
A signifi cant issue has been the perception of immigrants in Poland, and investigation into this matter was initiated at the end of the 1980s (Kicinger and Weinar 2007). Th e pioneer studies were those undertaken by Ewa Nowicka (1990), based on nationwide research, and by Sławo- mir Łodziński (Nowicka and Łodziński 2001), which demonstrated the process by which the ‘Other’ is made more concrete in Poland, as well as by Aleksandra Jasińska-Kania (1992), who analysed the reception of foreign students.
Early in the transformation period, the issue of migration was not of much interest to society because other problems had grown in scope and importance: e.g. unemployment, poverty, and healthcare. When and if Polish media approached the subject, it fell into one of four categories: the wave of immigrants perceived as a threat to the Polish
state, the criminality of immigrants, foreigners on the Polish labour market (with some articles discerning advantages to Poland), and, fi nally, the life of immigrants in Poland. Th e immigrant appeared in these publications more often as the personifi cations of a broad and dangerous phenomenon, rather than as a human being. In turn, immigration and migration as a whole were seen as lying at the roots of various social problems (Mrozowski 1997). Th is does not mean that animosity dominated in contacts with immigrants; quite the contrary, it was found that personal experience usually led to a more favourable opinion about foreigners. More sympathy was also shown in cases of migration for family or sentimental reasons rather than strictly fi nancial ones (Pawelec-Górny 1997). Agata Pawelec-Górny (1997) found that the immigrants themselves generally assessed the Polish attitude towards them as friendly.
In subsequent years, it was emigration, especially of young people, which vastly overshadowed the immigration issue. It should also be noted that CBOS public opinion polls reveal that Polish people are not interested in immigration (Łodziński 2003). So far Poland’s high level of national and cultural homogeneity has not signifi cantly decreased, and hence immigrants do not belong to the everyday context. Yet, as surveys demonstrate, Polish people seem to be a nation which is open towards others. Public opinion polls (CBOS 2005a)8 conducted under the CEORG programme, together with the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary, reveal that the level of approval for immigration is highest in Poland – 62 per cent of the population supports open borders for immigrants. However, when asked about benefi ts stemming from immigration, respondents (71 per cent) do not see the usefulness of immigrants for the country. Other nations do not see benefi ts either;
however, in contrast to Poland, neither do they really accept immigrants.
Th is suggests that there is separate thinking in Poland about immigra- tion in terms of values and in terms of interests (CBOS 2005a). Only 15 per cent of Poles accept the rule of open borders and see benefi ts
8 Th e poll in Poland was conducted on 4–7 February 2005 on a representative sample of 1070 adult residents of Poland.
from this for their country. What conclusions may be drawn from such a divergence? We think this might demonstrate an acceptance of immigration at a general level when it does not aff ect a Pole directly.
Nonetheless, ‘approval’ understood in this way does not mean that Poles are willing to accept immigrants in their immediate environment and are willing to help them with integration. Approval may be higher when immigrants are treated as a general subject, but research confi rms prevalence of deeply rooted stereotypes regarding the West, which Poles like (including immigrants from there), and the broad category
‘East’, which is treated with reservations or even animosity (CBOS 2005b)9. Th is stereotype may also be refl ected in the attitude towards immigrants, although, compared to previous years, a small and slow improvement is taking place, especially in the case of Ukraine, likely due to the ‘Orange Revolution’ (CBOS 2005b).
How do Poles perceive the issue of immigrant integration in their homeland? Almost half of the interviewees (46 per cent) is of the opinion that immigrants should adopt the culture and language of the country of residence as their own as soon as possible; almost the same number (42 per cent) holds the opposite view.10 Th e ambivalent attitude of Polish people to foreigners in Poland and to the idea of Poland as an immigration country is further illustrated by responses to other questions. Regarding whether it is good for people of one nationality to live in one country, 56 per cent think so while 34 per cent do not agree;
regarding an attitude to neighbours with a culture and tradition diff erent from the Polish, 53 per cent have nothing against living with them, but 26 per cent would not deem such a neighbourhood desirable (CBOS 2005c). It seems that although Polish people are open to multicultu- ralism, they are apprehensive about the practical manifestations of such a neighbourhood.
9 Th e poll was conducted on 3–6 December 2004 on a representative sample of 973 adult residents of Poland.
10 Double standards exist also in this fi eld. When the same question was asked about Polish people living abroad, over half (53 per cent) had a negative opinion about the potential pressure on assimilation.
It is possible, though, that the main reason for this is unfamiliarity with such situations. If we trace the attitude towards immigrants over the years, the following tendency emerges: initial hospitality and a very positive attitude are replaced by an approach less favourable towards the admission of foreigners. Pressure for assimilation has also increased. It is generally considered that immigrants may be tolerated under conditions of their economic benefi t and adjustment to Polish society.
Concurrently, however, there are no defi nite anti-immigration attitudes, nor serious forms of organised protest against immigrants. Th ere is, therefore, declared openness rather than an absence of hostility, yet also a slight desire for contact. Should the number of immigrants increase, the situation may develop towards a friendly coexistence, but also, as the example of many countries has shown, towards an escalation of ethnic and national prejudices. Th is would be facilitated, as has already been mentioned, by still vivid stereotypes, but also by the diffi cult economic situation in which immigrants can be blamed for a lack of jobs (Łodziński 2003).
Integration on the labour market
Data and research conducted in Poland (including Migracje zagraniczne ludności 2002; Jaźwińska and Okólski 2002) allow us to distinguish the following functional categories of economic migrations of women:
1. Female merchant migrants (brief journeys for a couple of weeks in order to sell their wares, matched to the validity of their visas in the case of citizens from the former USSR states);
2. Immigrant females who plan to settle permanently, often via mar- riage;
3. Contract migrants who are legally employed in a job;
4. ‘Temporary’ migrants whose work is legal;
5. ‘Temporary’ migrants who work illegally (e.g. in the entertain- ment sector as prostitutes);
6. Migrants performing combined registered and unregistered work.
Also deserving attention are a few themes associated with work which have been explored by female scholars examining immigration issues. Th ese themes include the ‘easternisation’ of the infl ow, the motives, networks, the importance of family and households in migration strategies, and the status of their stay. Special attention is drawn to Ukrainian women who dominate in this infl ow. Most thoroughly explored are the types of segmentation in the labour market, the specifi c qualities of illegal work, and the uniqueness and type of work in the domestic service and agricultural sectors (Kindler 2005, 2007; Bojar et al. 2005; Kloc-Nowak 2007). Exceptionally important for the discovery and explanation of crucial issues in female immigration are the investigations conducted by the Population Studies Department of the Institute of Sociology at the Jagiellonian University – particularly those projects realised under the auspices of the European Union – Integration of female immigrants in the labour market and society: Policy assessment and policy recommendations (FeMiPol, see http://www.femipol.
uni-frankfurt.de/working_papers.html). Th e process of integration defi ned as the feeling of belonging was analysed in three major dimensions: economic, socio-cultural and legal. Th e analysis of migrant’s narratives permitted various patterns of integration strategies developed by female immigrants to be distinguished. Unregistered, circulatory female migrants working in domestic services and the sex industry experience a strongly limited degree of integration with both the society and the labour market. Th ere are some migrants, however, who managed to integrate through the stabilisation of residence rights or through the public sector of the labour market. Another possible strategy of integration is legalisation of the stay by marrying a Polish citizen or demonstrating Polish origins. Th e last identifi ed way of entering the formal labour market is self-employment, a strategy practised by those who migrated with an attempt to settle in Poland.
Th e choice of a certain strategy depends mainly on the individual’s life plans and experiences (Slany 2008).
Interesting research on economic immigration has recently been carried out by the Institute of Labour and Social Studies (Golinowska 2004). Th e goal was to determine the reasons immigrants from other
countries are employed, and to discover the motivations of the economic subjects (workplaces and households). Th erefore, only the point of view of the Polish employer was considered, while the intentions and needs of the immigrants themselves were not taken into account. For companies attempting to meet the demands of market economics and tough competition, immigrant workers play an important role in stabilising the position of the company and facilitating its continued existence (Golinowska 2004, p. 180). It has been suggested that foreigners with qualifi cations indispensable in new market conditions fi nd legal em- ployment, whereas others are competitive only due to being cheap labour work on the grey market. Diff erent motivations are off ered by people employing immigrants in households; in this case the most important factor is low cost, rather than quality of services (Golinowska 2004, p. 200).
With reference to the situation of female migrants on the labour market, National Census 2002 data disclose that 30 per cent of immigrant women were active professionally and 62 per cent were passively engaged, while their work status in Poland was unclear for 8 per cent. Immigrants in Poland work mostly either in those domains in which high qualifi cations are required (e.g. fi nancial services, man- agement, banks, corporations etc.), or in which low and practically no formal qualifi cations are required (e.g. domestic care, cleaning, construction or agriculture work, small-scale trade etc.). Foreigners from Western countries, as already mentioned, work mostly legally and in high-ranking posts, whereas immigrants from Eastern Europe and Asia have problems fi nding legal employment and more frequently work in lower-ranking positions. Th e situation of women is unfavourable;
the typical, legally employed immigrant is a man (74 per cent in 2001) with higher education (54 per cent; Iglicka 2003).
Kindler and Szulecka (2009) concentrate on economic integration of migrant women on the Polish labour market. Th ey look at the issue of mutual impact of legal status of female immigrants and the process of economic integration, understood as presence on the labour market connected to employment. Th eir research shows that Vietnamese immigrant women most often work in the ethnic trade and restaurant
sector, and that women of the former USSR dominate in the broad fi eld of domestic services, but are also present in other sectors of the labour market. Th e authors note that a clearly feminised sphere economic activity of migrants in Poland is constituted by paid domestic services or care for dependent persons. Th is sphere is one of the most important, and it pertains above all to the sphere of unregistered employment.
According to Central Statistical Offi ce data we discover, among other things, a spatial dispersal (by province) of immigrant women who receive work permits, and information about their jobs in the public and private sector. From offi cial information it appears that in 2004 about 45 per cent of foreign women were hired in the private sector, with the largest concentration (75.4 per cent) located in the Mazowsze Province, in which Warsaw is situated. Th e increasing wealth and prosperity associated with the largest cities in Poland, as well as the rising aspirations and career involvement of Polish women, leads to a growth in the call for labourers in the individual household sector.
Polish women now need – as do women in the West – domestic help.
Working on the informal labour market of the great metropolises such as Warsaw, Poznań, or Kraków are females from across Poland’s eastern border – most often from Ukraine (Golinowska 2004). In fact, the word Ukrainka has become almost a synonym for ‘domestic servant’ (Kloc-Nowak 2007). Th e members of this particular group of immigrant women usually spend three months at a time in Poland, taking advantage of tourist visas. When one woman has to return due to the 90-day visa restriction, a female relative or friend takes her place so as to hold the position (Kloc-Nowak 2007). Th ese women are seen by their employers as very hardworking, dependable, and less expensive workers (Kępińska and Okólski 2004).
An analysis of the in-depth interviews in Kindler and Szulecka’s (2009) research reveals the similar problems with which female migrants employed in the domestic services sector in other countries are faced.
We can therefore talk of a community of experiences, as well as of similar mechanisms of construction of employer-employee relations.
Similar too are the strategies of searching for work, application of rotation systems, which make it easier to reconcile familial duties in the
community of origin with professional commitments in the destination country. Women employed to help in private households usually do not acquire a formal work permit. Th ey realise that this paradoxically makes them more ‘attractive’ for the employer.
Apart from domestic workers, caretakers comprise the next group.
Bonds between these women and their employers will be typically stronger. According to the Institute of Public Aff airs research (Bojar et al.
2005) 15 per cent of the domestic help – above all those women caring for the elderly or bedridden – live with their employers. Th e requirements of this type of work force women to undertake eff orts to extend their stay in Poland; occasionally this means fi nding loopholes in the law or getting around it by enrolling for university studies or giving bribes (Kloc-Nowak 2007).
Studies have also shown a disturbing phenomenon of social isola- tion; sometimes this also entails discrimination on the part of the Polish
‘state’ (Kloc-Nowak 2007). Kindler and Szulecka (2009), analysing the mutual infl uence of the status of the immigrant women’s stay and economic integration, claim that successful integration on the labour market can assist in legal status in exchange. Th ey believe that networks of contacts, migration model and family status decide to a greater degree than the status of the stay on the type of employment. Kindler and Szulecka emphasise that a considerable barrier in attainment of pro- fessional advancement for immigrant women is the need to reconcile their family and working roles, often in a transnational dimension, as well as a dependence on the employer in the case of living together with them, which aff ects around 15 per cent of female migrants in the domestic services sector (Kindler and Szulecka 2009).
Marta Kindler’s (2007) research on Ukrainian women working as domestic servants (referring to the ‘Ukrainisation’ of this sector in Poland) utilised risk theory. ‘Risk is present in my respondents’ lives both when they are abroad and at home. Ukrainian domestic workers in Poland trade economic and other risks present in and around their household in Ukraine for risk related to irregular migration and domestic work abroad’ (Kindler 2007, p. 2). Ukrainian women working in Poland
have their own individual ‘risk portfolio’; they do not associate migra- tion to Poland with a high risk, and geographical proximity means that special fi nancial expenses are not required. Kindler draws attention to the diff erences in the situations of live-in and live-out domestic work- ers. Immigration for the latter is initially associated with greater risk, but relatively quickly they develop social networks that lead to a sense of stabilisation. Women taking up employment with accommoda- tion, however, attain a sense of security only in the fi rst phase of im- migration. Losing their job means losing their home at the same time, and the less well-developed networks and resources they tend to have make it harder to return to the job market (Kindler 2007).
Two things should be stressed. First, the fundamental problem remains that a signifi cant percentage of immigrant females continue to be found beyond the labour market as well as beyond the reach of policies promoting employment. Second, when such women do fi nd work, their jobs lie outside the formal labour market (Kicinger and Kloc-Nowak 2008). Among the immigrant females who are active, 76 per cent are legally employed, while 24 per cent are unemployed.
Yet this latter group is not wholly and de facto without a job; it can be assumed that they are working in the so-called ‘grey zone’, on the informal labour market. Interestingly, the functioning of the grey market in Poland is more predictable for women from the former USSR than their home labour market. For Vietnamese women, meanwhile, the most important criterion of the attractiveness of the Polish labour market is high earnings in comparison with those available in Vietnam (Kindler and Szulecka 2009).
It is also notable that the need for research and subsequent con- struction of policy for counteracting illegal employment with considera- tion of the category of gender continues to be addressed only rarely.
partial solution for this problem is the proposal to create strategies catering for individual sectors of the labour market (Kicinger and Kloc-Nowak 2008) owing to the concentration of immigrants in several of these sectors. Th is is all the more the case as the domestic services sector is identifi ed as one that is especially in need of a policy tailor- made for its character. Th is is, though, only the fi rst step.
We should remember that immigrant women coming to Poland have a high level of education. According to the 2002 National Census as many as 74 per cent have at least secondary education, including 27.3 per cent with higher degrees, whereas 6.7 per cent are graduates of vocational schools, 10.5 per cent have elementary and 9.2 per cent an unknown level of education. Investigations into female migrations indicate that a higher education does not guarantee these women jobs in the fi rst sector of the labour market (Slany and Małek 2005). As one can presume, the ‘deskilling’ of immigrant women which has been observed in the old immigration countries will also pertain to Poland, as already confi rmed in research carried out within the framework of the FeMiPol project. Immigrants in Poland experience a process of pro- fessional degradation, taking up jobs which do not refl ect their qual- ifi cations, most often manual labour, and have limited prospects for advancement (Slany 2008).
Th e diffi culties in undertaking legal jobs mean that, among both short- and long-term immigrants, signifi cantly dominant is the group of persons who are not active on the labour market (although this could be linked at least partly to age). A small percentage comprises employers or falls into the category of ‘other work’, in which self-employment could be found. Analysing short- and long-term immigrants11 from the perspective of their sources of upkeep, we fi nd that, regardless of the length of stay, the highest percentage is the group supported by others.
Long-term immigrants prevail among those who are independent and have their own sources of support, which leads to the conclusion that the longer an immigrant stays in Poland, the more likely this person will fi nd a job or create one for him- or herself. Unfortunately, despite the length of stay, a noteworthy proportion of the immigrant population will not undertake any activity on the labour market.
11 According to the National General Census of 2002.
Conclusions
In summary, an undoubted handicap in analysing immigration – point- ed out by many researchers (e.g. Okólski 2003; Supińska et al. 2003;
Kępińska 2004; Jaźwińska 2006; Tanajewski 2006; Bijak and Koryś 2006) – is the lack of in-depth statistical data. Th e statistics available in Poland are fragmentary and do not entirely refl ect the reality of migration, since they do not take into account certain important categories such as undocumented immigrants and pendular or circular workers (see Nowicka 2005; Cieślińska 2005). Detailed information is also lacking on victims of human traffi cking and people employed in the sex industry. Naturally, other countries also struggle with similar problems in this respect.
Th e second problem is the gender question. As mentioned earlier, gender analyses of migration have only been taken up relatively recently in the Polish context. Krystyna Slany (2006, p. 1) states that in the 1980s in Poland, as in other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, ‘most of the sociological and demographic studies (of this phase) did not diff erentiate gender; analyses were written from a universal gender- neutral perspective’. When analysing the projects being conducted at present it is important to stress that this perspective is still being applied (Górny et al. 2009). Within the framework of the IDEA project – Mediterranean and Eastern European Countries as New Immigration Destinations in the European Union – a thorough and extensive analysis of the case of Poland was conducted, although without emphasis or development of the category of gender. Without considering this category it is impossible to fully understand migra- tion processes, to a great degree shaped by gender relations.12 One characteristic of contemporary emigration from Poland is its feminisa- tion. Once this fact was discerned statistically, analyses of various aspects of women’s emigration have begun to appear. However, in spite
12 Family, and especially maternal responsibilities, have a signifi cant infl uence on the form of migration and the integration strategies utilised by the immigrant women (Slany 2008).
of the increased interest in women in Polish migration research, the category of gender is still often treated only as a variable. It appears that the majority of research still fi ts into the phase – the fi rst of three distinguished – described by Hondagneu-Sotelo (2003, p. 5–8) as
‘women and migration’.13
Th e basic conclusion that the analysis of all this material brings to mind is that the stories of women must be rendered visible and brought into the light of day, and that the particularities and varieties of female migrant experiences should be emphasised. It also appears that there are too few studies in which the authors, aside from describing the phenomena at hand, actually try to explain them. At the same time it is important to stress that interest in these issues is on the rise, and that hopes for more extensive research and deeper analysis are justifi ed.
It is worth briefl y listing here the topics still awaiting further explora- tion, and pointing out what is missing from the research and papers produced thus far, especially with regard to gender and migration studies:
• ‘faulty’ or ‘gender-blind’ statistics and reports, ignorant of the im- portance of the gender variable;
• a lack of empirical research in which the experiences of both gen- ders and their relations are confronted;
• many papers merely describing concrete phenomena at the expense of a debate on a more analytical and theoretical level;
• limited research on integration and the labour market, looking at equal conditions, potential discriminatory practices, recognition, and respect for social rights;
• the need for a combined study and analysis of categories such as gender, class, ‘race’ and ethnicity;
• the combination of both processes – emigration and immigration – resulting in, for instance, ‘paid’ surrogate motherhoods;
• prostitution and human traffi cking, which require detailed research.
13 Th e second stage in the history of engendering migration studies was defi ned as ‘gender and migration’, whereas the present, third one, is described as a phase in which gender is treated as a constitutive element of migration.
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