This dissertation aimed at discussing the issue of prevocalic consonant epenthesis in selected Slavic and Germanic languages in two distinct environments ̶ in vowel hiatus, and at the beginning of a constituent. It has been shown on the example of glide epenthesis that depending on the environment (that is, __V or VV), the process itself can be analyzed separately, employing two distinct models of analysis.
As argued in Chapter 1, CV syllables are considered unmarked and thus the most universal cross-linguistically. There is ample evidence that onsetless syllables are dispreferred and consequently avoided. Languages employ several strategies of providing syllables with onsets. The typological overview supplied in Chapter 2 indicated that this generalization extends to selected Slavic and Germanic languages.
The main focus of this dissertation was the operation of prevocalic consonant epenthesis, which in Chapter 2 was discussed with reference to two separate criteria
̶ the site of epenthesis, that is, the position in which the process takes place, and the quality of the epenthetic segment. As for the site of epenthesis, two distinct environments were discussed: vowel hiatus, and the left edge of a constituent, such as, for instance, the morphological word, morphological root or stressed syllable. In the languages discussed, there are recurring patterns of prevocalic consonant insertion. Depending on the quality of the surrounding vowels and other factors, such as for instance, stress pattern, vowel hiatus is usually resolved with a homorganic glide or a glottal stop. At the left edge of the constituent, however, glottal stops are more frequent than glides. There are, however, languages, which insert glides at the beginning of words. Such occurrences are found, for instance, in some dialects of Polish and in Kashubian. In addition, it was shown that English stands out among all the languages discussed because it takes /r/ as an epenthetic consonant.
Chapter 3 showed that to date, the issue of prevocalic consonant insertion has been captured using a considerable number of theoretical approaches. In the present dissertation, the distinction was made between analyses in the generative and listener-oriented models. The section devoted to generative models provided an outline of analyses carried out in the early generative spirit of SPE phonology and Autosegmental Phonology, which, however, did not aim at optimizing syllable structure. Later models, developed in the 1990s such as Optimality Theory started to consider the
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optimal syllable structure an important element of phonological formalism. It was shown that the OT model relies on the notion of markedness. Crucially for this dissertation, it was indicated that cross-linguistically, syllables that have onsets are less marked than onsetless syllables. In optimality-theoretic analyses, this requirement is expressed by the markedness constraint ONSET. The review of selected analyses in Chapter 3 showed that in languages that do not tolerate onsetless syllables, ONSET
needs to be ranked higher than DEP-IO, the constraint which militates against insertions. In addition, the typological overview in Chapter 2 indicated that some languages restrict consonant insertion to selected environments, such as the beginning of words or stressed syllables. In terms of OT, this requirement is achievable by postulating constraints such as ALIGN-L (which bans constituent-initial epenthesis) or CONTIGUITY (no insertion constituent-internally). Thus, from the perspective of OT, prevocalic consonant insertion aims at reducing markedness by providing onsetless syllables with an onset. However, the markedness- and ONSET- driven account of prevocalic consonant insertion has been challenged in the literature, notably by Blevins (2008). Blevins (2008) proposes a diachronic, evolutionary account to explain the emergence of, for instance, intervocalic glides. In OT terms, intervocalic glides are interpreted as onset-filling segments, which satisfy the constraint ONSET. Blevins (2008) uses the reconstructed linguistic data to show that intervocalic glides may arise as a result of a reinterpretation of formant transitions, which naturally occur between vowels of certain qualities. Blevins argues that this reinterpretation is more likely to appear in languages that have pre-existing segmental glides in different contexts.
According to Blevins (2008), the formant transitions that are interpreted as glides may undergo phonologization and further a sound change, such as glide hardening. Thus, Blevins (2008) rejects the markedness-driven explanations of glide insertion cast in models such as OT.
The literature overview indicated that in certain environments, markedness fails to make correct predictions. For instance, as discussed in Chapter 3, Blevins (2008) and Czaplicki (2010b) argue that markedness-based accounts sometimes make wrong predictions regarding segment insertion. The analysis of emergent stops in English and Polish by Czaplicki (2010b) indicated that OT and its driving force, i.e., markedness do not predict epenthesis of /p/ in words such as /samsən/ → [sampsən]. Czaplicki (2010b) shows that the analysis of this insertion in OT resulted in winning the evaluation by the candidate */samsən/, which does not, however, reflect the facts. OT is driven by markedness, and the syllable structure of the actual surface form is
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considered marked. Instead, Czaplicki (2010b) rejects the term ‘insertion’ and uses a phonetic explanation. Stops emerge as a result of the coarticulation of neighboring segments. In her analysis, Blevins (2008) shows that synchronic, markedness-based accounts are insufficient to explain the insertion of segments such as /dz/ and /gw/.
In the synchronic approach of OT, these segments are highly marked. However, the diachronic path indicates that these segments results from the earlier glide strengthening of /j/ and /w/, respectively. Hence a diachronic, two-step way is needed to correctly account for the insertion.
Chapter 4 laid out the proposed model of analysis of glide insertion. The model of analysis considers the two environments, that is, word-initial position and vowel hiatus separately. The data from Kashubian were used to advocate the view that word-initially glides are inserted to provide syllables with onsets. This occurrence has been expressed formally within the OT framework, which proved well-equipped to explain this phenomenon. The shortcomings of standard OT, however, appeared in the analysis of prefixed words in which the prefix ends with a consonant and the stems begins with a vowel. It has been shown that in such cases Derivational Optimality Theory, which postulates level distinction, can be successfully applied to analyze epenthesis in such words. As for glide insertion in the intervocalic position, it was postulated that there is no need to account for the process in phonological terms. The summary of the analysis proposed by Blevins (2008) showed that the occurrence of seemingly epenthetic glides may be viewed as a result of a natural formant transition in hiati where one of the vowels is high. Users of languages that have glides in different contexts are prone to perceive this transition as a separate segment. One of such languages is Polish, which has glides /j/ and /w/ in contexts not related to insertion.
Thus, it was proposed that the previously postulated epenthetic glides in vowel hiatus may be explained as a perceptually-driven sound change. It was not clear, however, if the transitional (or epenthetic) glides differ in realization from lexical glides. In order to examine the possible difference, two perception studies were conducted on some users of Polish.
Chapter 5 discussed two behavioral studies conducted on the users of Polish. As said above, both studies aimed to determine whether there is a perceptual difference between lexical glides in words similar to buła [ˈbuwa] ‘big bread roll’ and transitional/epenthetic glides in words spelled like statua [staˈtua]/[staˈtuwa] ‘statue’.
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While it is universally agreed that the words that end in <-uła> are realized with a lexical glide, there are also words that end with <-ua> in spelling, such as statua
‘statue’, which lack a unanimous interpretation. It remains unclear whether the words are realized with a glottal stop, an unresolved vowel hiatus or a transitional/epenthetic glide. To avoid bias, the study was run on nonce words that were divided into two groups, i.e., spelled <uła> and <ua>. Then, the participants were exposed to the recordings of those words made by a speaker of Polish. In the first experiment, a small group of phonetically trained participants was asked to decide if they perceive a difference in realization between the two groups of words. The results showed that the phonetically trained participants failed to distinguish differences in the realization of words spelled <ua> and <uła>. However, the results also showed that according to the participants, there were no glottal stop realizations. In the second, main experiment, a group of users of Polish was asked to decline the forms they hear according to the declension pattern they are already familiar with, that is, those of buła and statua. One of the hypotheses pertained to frequency effects. It was hypothesized that there might be a bias towards the more frequent declension pattern, in this case, the one of buła. The results of the experiment indicated that the declension pattern was applied at a similar rate, thus there was no bias in terms of frequency of the declension pattern. The similar rate of responses also indicated that the participants did not perceive substantial differences in the realization of words spelled
<uła> and <ua>.
The results of both studies have theoretical implications. If, as the results showed, there is no perceptual difference in the realization of lexical and transitional/epenthetic glides, the glides in words such as statua [staˈtua]/[staˈtuwa]
may be interpreted as intervocalic transition effects. Under such a view, the glides which emerge intervocalically may be interpreted as natural phonetically-conditioned occurrence rather than a phonological operation satisfying the constraint ONSET in the optimality-theoretic accounts. In addition, the evidence from the corpus of Polish, indicated that the declension of words ending in <ua> in Polish is sometimes aligned with the declension of words such as buła [ˈbuwa], with a lexical glide. Thus, one arrives at forms such as *statuła in the nominative singular and *statule in the dative and locative. Such evidence may indicate that the transitional glide has undergone phonologization, which aligns with the model proposed by Blevins (2008).
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While the studies in Chapter 5 indicated that there are no perceptual differences between the lexical and transitional/epenthetic segments, the difference has not been examined articulatorily. One may not preclude the possibility that while the glides are indistinguishable perceptually, there are differences in their phonetic implementation.
Thus, an articulatory study of the glides remains to be carried out in future research.
177
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