As already noticed in Section 1 above, a host clause in a syntactic parenthetical construction cannot be infinitival, gerundial or subjunctive. Rather, it must be finite (Footnote 86 Grimshaw 2011; Footnote 87 Hooper and Thompson 1973), as
illustrated in (8)-(10) above, repeated here for convenience as (72)-(74), as well as in
(75) for English and in (76)-(77) for Polish:
72a. I promised them that I would leave.
72b. I would leave, I promised them.
73a. [correct] I promised them to leave.
73b. [incorrect] To leave, I promised them.
74a. [correct] I insisted that she learn to sing.
74b. [incorrect] That she learn to sing, I insisted.
75a. [correct] I imagine living in a place where there are no cars.
75b. [incorrect] Living in a place where there are no cars, I imagine.
76a. [correct] Właściwie obiecałem jej nie powiedzieć nikomu.
[correct] ‘I actually promised her not to tell anyone’
76b. [incorrect] Nie powiedzieć nikomu, właściwie obiecałem jej.
[incorrect] ‘Not tell anyone, I actually promised her’
77a. [correct] Wyobrażam sobie mieszkanie pod jednym dachem z jakimś facetem.
[correct] ‘I imagine living with a guy under the same roof’
77b. [incorrect] Mieszkanie z jakimś facetem pod jednym dachem, wyobrażam sobie.
[incorrect] ‘Living with a guy under the same roof, I imagine.’
P. 194
Independently of the constraints on the use of preference predicates as parenthetical comments, which require an independent explanation, the utterances given above demonstrate that the host clause must be finite. If the relevance of syntactic
parenthetical comments lies in the information that they communicate about the truth-conditional content of their hosts, the hosts must be finite as only finite clauses can make manifest the propositional attitude the speaker intends to express with her utterance. If the host does not indicate mood-related information, the hearer is unable to recover the higher-level explicature that mood indicators encode. For example, declarative/indicative mood is associated with the propositional attitude of belief (cf. Footnote 88 Wilson 2011). In the absence of mood indicators that enable the development of logical form into full propositional content, including the speaker’s propositional attitude, the host cannot serve as input for the propositional attitude or speech act operator in the logical structure of a parenthetical verb to perform its function of weakening or strengthening the speaker’s commitment to the truth of the host proposition. The hearer thus cannot be guided towards a hypothesis about the
speaker’s propositional attitude and cannot infer the speaker’s commitment to the truth of the host.
4. Conclusion
In this paper I have investigated several constraints on the distribution of
parenthetical predicates in syntactic parentheticals in English and Polish, focusing on the properties of syntactic parentheticals that are responsible for their special
pragmatic status. I have shown here that the special properties of syntactic parentheticals can be given a uniform explanation in relevance-theoretic terms.
Ifantidou’s (Footnote 89 Ifantidou 2001) assumption that the speaker chooses to communicate her information with an evidential parenthetical comment clause in a syntactic parenthetical in contexts in which the hearer could recover “the wrong higher-level explicature, or the wrong degree of strength, or might be in doubt as to which higher-level explicature, and which degree of strength was intended”
(Footnote 90 Ifantidou 2001: 156) can explain why the parenthetical comment cannot be downward-entailing, why the host clause must update the common ground and why the host clause cannot be unmarked for illocutionary force. To meet the hearer’s expectations of relevance and add to his cognitive environment, the speaker’s communicated information must be strong and well- evidenced. Unless the information is communicated with some degree of commitment and is well-evidenced, it will not get past the hearer’s epistemic vigilance mechanisms.
Interestingly, it is also the constraints on syntactic parentheticals in different
languages, as is evidenced here for English and Polish, that offer support for these assumptions.
References
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Instytut Filologii Angielskiej Uniwersytet Jagielloński Al. Mickiewicza 9a 31-120 Kraków Poland
[dobromila.jagiella (at) uj.edu.pl]
Przypisy harvardzkie
Footnote 1. Wilson Deirdre (2011). The conceptual-procedural distinction: Past, present and future. In Procedural Meaning: Problems and Perspectives, Victoria Escandell-Vidal, Manuel Leonetti and Aoife Ahern (eds.), 3-31. Bingley: Emerald Group Publishing. Return to the main document.
Footnote 2. Urmson James O. (1952). Parenthetical verbs. Mind 61: 480−496.
Return to the main document.
Footnote 3. Simons Mandy (2007). Observations on embedding verbs, evidentiality, and presupposition. Lingua 117(6): 1036. Return to the main document.
Footnote 4. Simons Mandy (2007). Observations on embedding verbs, evidentiality, and presupposition. Lingua 117(6): 1037. Return to the main document.
Footnote 5. Hooper Joan B., Thompson Sandra A. (1973). On the applicability of root transformations. Linguistic Inquiry 4: 465−497. Return to the main document.
Footnote 6. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 7. Rooryck Johan (2001). Evidentiality, Parts 1 and 2. Glot International 5:
4−5. Return to the main document.
Footnote 8. Rooryck Johan (2001). Evidentiality, Parts 1 and 2. Glot International 5:
4−5. Return to the main document.
Footnote 9. Rooryck Johan (2001). Evidentiality, Parts 1 and 2. Glot International 5:
4−5, 128. Return to the main document.
Footnote 10. Hooper Joan B., Thompson Sandra A. (1973). On the applicability of root transformations. Linguistic Inquiry 4: 478. Return to the main document.
Footnote 11. Rooryck Johan (2001). Evidentiality, Parts 1 and 2. Glot International 5:
4−5, 128. Return to the main document.
Footnote 12. Simons Mandy (2007). Observations on embedding verbs, evidentiality, and presupposition. Lingua 117(6): 1051. Return to the main document.
Footnote 13. Grimshaw Jane (2011). The place of slifting in the English complement system. Generative Initiatives in Syntactic Theory 3, Handout. [URL:
https://docs.google.com/file/d/0B1DtOqeuIhA3Nzg2NDNmNzEtMmFkZC00N2VjLThj
YmUtNmM0MTA1MzUxMWNj/edit?hl=en_US; accessed February 10, 2016.] Return to the main document.
Footnote 14. Simons Mandy (2007). Observations on embedding verbs, evidentiality, and presupposition. Lingua 117(6): 1034−1056. Return to the main document.
Footnote 15. Simons Mandy (2007). Observations on embedding verbs, evidentiality, and presupposition. Lingua 117(6): 1034−1056. Return to the main document.
Footnote 16. Rooryck Johan (2001). Evidentiality, Parts 1 and 2. Glot International 5:
4−5, 128. Return to the main document.
Footnote 17. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 18. Grimshaw Jane (2011). The place of slifting in the English complement system. Generative Initiatives in Syntactic Theory 3, Handout. [URL:
https://docs.google.com/file/d/0B1DtOqeuIhA3Nzg2NDNmNzEtMmFkZC00N2VjLThj YmUtNmM0MTA1MzUxMWNj/edit?hl=en_US; accessed February 10, 2016.] Return to the main document.
Footnote 19. Hooper Joan B., Thompson Sandra A. (1973). On the applicability of root transformations. Linguistic Inquiry 4: 465−497. Return to the main document.
Footnote 20. Rooryck Johan (2001). Evidentiality, Parts 1 and 2. Glot International 5:
4−5. Return to the main document.
Footnote 21. Ross John R. (1973). Slifting. In The Formal Analysis of Natural Language, Maurice Gross, Morris Halle, Marcel Schützenberger (eds.), 133−172.
The Hague: Mouton. Return to the main document.
Footnote 22. Simons Mandy (2007). Observations on embedding verbs, evidentiality, and presupposition. Lingua 117(6): 1034−1056. Return to the main document.
Footnote 23. Grimshaw Jane (2011). The place of slifting in the English complement system. Generative Initiatives in Syntactic Theory 3, Handout. [URL:
https://docs.google.com/file/d/0B1DtOqeuIhA3Nzg2NDNmNzEtMmFkZC00N2VjLThj YmUtNmM0MTA1MzUxMWNj/edit?hl=en_US; accessed February 10, 2016.] Return to the main document.
Footnote 24. Grimshaw Jane (2011). The place of slifting in the English complement system. Generative Initiatives in Syntactic Theory 3, Handout. [URL:
https://docs.google.com/file/d/0B1DtOqeuIhA3Nzg2NDNmNzEtMmFkZC00N2VjLThj
YmUtNmM0MTA1MzUxMWNj/edit?hl=en_US; accessed February 10, 2016.] Return to the main document.
Footnote 25. Hooper Joan B., Thompson Sandra A. (1973). On the applicability of root transformations. Linguistic Inquiry 4: 465−497. Return to the main document.
Footnote 26. Grimshaw Jane (2011). The place of slifting in the English complement system. Generative Initiatives in Syntactic Theory 3, Handout. [URL:
https://docs.google.com/file/d/0B1DtOqeuIhA3Nzg2NDNmNzEtMmFkZC00N2VjLThj YmUtNmM0MTA1MzUxMWNj/edit?hl=en_US; accessed February 10, 2016.] Return to the main document.
Footnote 27. Grimshaw Jane (2011). The place of slifting in the English complement system. Generative Initiatives in Syntactic Theory 3, Handout. [URL:
https://docs.google.com/file/d/0B1DtOqeuIhA3Nzg2NDNmNzEtMmFkZC00N2VjLThj YmUtNmM0MTA1MzUxMWNj/edit?hl=en_US; accessed February 10, 2016.] Return to the main document.
Footnote 28. Grimshaw Jane (2011). The place of slifting in the English complement system. Generative Initiatives in Syntactic Theory 3, Handout. [URL:
https://docs.google.com/file/d/0B1DtOqeuIhA3Nzg2NDNmNzEtMmFkZC00N2VjLThj YmUtNmM0MTA1MzUxMWNj/edit?hl=en_US; accessed February 10, 2016.] Return to the main document.
Footnote 29. Urmson James O. (1952). Parenthetical verbs. Mind 61: 480−496.
Return to the main document.
Footnote 30. Hooper Joan B., Thompson Sandra A. (1973). On the applicability of root transformations. Linguistic Inquiry 4: 465−497. Return to the main document.
Footnote 31. Grimshaw Jane (2011). The place of slifting in the English complement system. Generative Initiatives in Syntactic Theory 3, Handout. [URL:
https://docs.google.com/file/d/0B1DtOqeuIhA3Nzg2NDNmNzEtMmFkZC00N2VjLThj YmUtNmM0MTA1MzUxMWNj/edit?hl=en_US; accessed February 10, 2016.] Return to the main document.
Footnote 32. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 33. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 34. Jary Mark (2011). Assertion, relevance and the declarative mood.
Current Research in the Semantics/Pragmatics Interface 25: 267−289. Return to the main document.
Footnote 35. Simons Mandy (2007). Observations on embedding verbs, evidentiality, and presupposition. Lingua 117(6): 1034−1056. Return to the main document.
Footnote 36. Sperber Dan, Clement Fabrice, Heintz Christophe, Mascaro Oliver, Mercier Hugo, Origgi Gloria, Wilson Deirdre (2010). Epistemic vigilance. Mind and Language 25(4): 359−393. Return to the main document.
Footnote 37. Wilson Deirdre (2011). The conceptual-procedural distinction: Past, present and future. In Procedural Meaning: Problems and Perspectives, Victoria Escandell-Vidal, Manuel Leonetti and Aoife Ahern (eds.), 3−31. Bingley: Emerald Group Publishing. Return to the main document.
Footnote 38. Wilson Deirdre (2012). Modality and the conceptual-procedural distinction. In Relevance Theory: More than Understanding, Ewa Wałaszewska, Agnieszka Piskorska (eds.), 32. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Return to the main document.
Footnote 39. Hooper Joan B., Thompson Sandra A. (1973). On the applicability of root transformations. Linguistic Inquiry 4: 465−497. Return to the main document.
Footnote 40. Blakemore Diane (2005). and-parentheticals. Journal of Pragmatics 37(8): 1165−1181. Return to the main document.
Footnote 41. Blakemore Diane (2006). Divisions of labour: The analysis of parentheticals. Lingua 116: 1670−1687. Return to the main document.
Footnote 42. Blakemore Diane (2007). ‘Or’-parentheticals, ‘that is’-parentheticals and the pragmatics of reformulation. Journal of Linguistics 43(2): 311−339. Return to the main document.
Footnote 43. Blakemore Diane (2009). On the relevance of parentheticals. Actes d’IDP 09: 9−17. Return to the main document.
Footnote 44. Dehé Nicole, Kavalova Yordanka (2006). The syntax, pragmatics and prosody of parenthetical what. English Language and Linguistics 10(2): 289−320.
Return to the main document.
Footnote 45. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 46. Kavalova Yordanka (2007). And-parenthetical clauses. In Parentheticals, Nicole Dehé, Yordanka Kavalova (eds.), 145−147.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 47. Carston Robyn (2002). Thoughts and Utterances: The Pragmatics of Explicit Communication. Oxford: Blackwell. Return to the main document.
Footnote 48. Sperber Dan, Wilson Deirdre (1986/1995). Relevance: Communication and Cognition. Oxford: Blackwell. Return to the main document.
Footnote 49. Wilson Deirdre, Sperber Dan (1993). Linguistic Form and Relevance.
Lingua 90(1–2): 1−25. Return to the main document.
Footnote 50. Dehé Nicole (2010). Parentheticals. In The Pragmatics Encyclopedia, Louise Cummings (ed.), 308. Oxford: Routledge. Return to the main document.
Footnote 51. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 52. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 53. Jary Mark (2011). Assertion, relevance and the declarative mood.
Current Research in the Semantics/Pragmatics Interface 25: 267−289. Return to the main document.
Footnote 54. Jary Mark (2011). Assertion, relevance and the declarative mood.
Current Research in the Semantics/Pragmatics Interface 25: 267−289. Return to the main document.
Footnote 55. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 56. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance, 156.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 57. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 58. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 59. Blakemore Diane (2006). Divisions of labour: The analysis of parentheticals. Lingua 116: 1684. Return to the main document.
Footnote 60. Blakemore Diane (2006). Divisions of labour: The analysis of parentheticals. Lingua 116: 1681. Return to the main document.
Footnote 61. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 62. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance, 156.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 63. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 64. Sperber Dan, Clement Fabrice, Heintz Christophe, Mascaro Oliver, Mercier Hugo, Origgi Gloria, Wilson Deirdre (2010). Epistemic vigilance. Mind and Language 25(4): 359−393. Return to the main document.
Footnote 65. Wilson Deirdre (2011). The conceptual-procedural distinction: Past, present and future. In Procedural Meaning: Problems and Perspectives, Victoria Escandell-Vidal, Manuel Leonetti and Aoife Ahern (eds.), 3−31. Bingley: Emerald Group Publishing. Return to the main document.
Footnote 66. Sperber Dan, Clement Fabrice, Heintz Christophe, Mascaro Oliver, Mercier Hugo, Origgi Gloria, Wilson Deirdre (2010). Epistemic vigilance. Mind and Language 25(4): 359−393. Return to the main document.
Footnote 67. Wilson Deirdre (2011). The conceptual-procedural distinction: Past, present and future. In Procedural Meaning: Problems and Perspectives, Victoria Escandell-Vidal, Manuel Leonetti and Aoife Ahern (eds.), 22-25. Bingley: Emerald Group Publishing. Return to the main document.
Footnote 68. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 69. Wilson Deirdre (2011). The conceptual-procedural distinction: Past, present and future. In Procedural Meaning: Problems and Perspectives, Victoria Escandell-Vidal, Manuel Leonetti and Aoife Ahern (eds.), 3−31. Bingley: Emerald Group Publishing. Return to the main document.
Footnote 70. Jackendoff Ray (1972). Semantic Interpretation in Generative Grammar, 97, 99. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press. Return to the main document.
Footnote 71. Jackendoff Ray (1972). Semantic Interpretation in Generative
Grammar, 99. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press. Return to the main document.
Footnote 72. Sperber Dan, Clement Fabrice, Heintz Christophe, Mascaro Oliver, Mercier Hugo, Origgi Gloria, Wilson Deirdre (2010). Epistemic vigilance. Mind and Language 25(4): 359−393. Return to the main document.
Footnote 73. Wilson Deirdre (2011). The conceptual-procedural distinction: Past, present and future. In Procedural Meaning: Problems and Perspectives, Victoria Escandell-Vidal, Manuel Leonetti and Aoife Ahern (eds.), 3−31. Bingley: Emerald Group Publishing. Return to the main document.
Footnote 74. Ross John R. (1973). Slifting. In The Formal Analysis of Natural Language, Maurice Gross, Morris Halle, Marcel Schützenberger (eds.), 133−172.
The Hague: Mouton. Return to the main document.
Footnote 75. Hooper Joan B. (1975). On assertive predicates. In Syntax and
Semantics 4, John Kimball (ed.), 91−124. New York: Academic Press. Return to the main document.
Footnote 76. Hooper Joan B. (1975). On assertive predicates. In Syntax and
Semantics 4, John Kimball (ed.), 91−124. New York: Academic Press. Return to the main document.
Footnote 77. Hooper Joan B., Thompson Sandra A. (1973). On the applicability of root transformations. Linguistic Inquiry 4: 465−497. Return to the main document.
Footnote 78. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 79. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance, 152.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 80. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance, 153.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 81. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance, 153.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 82. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 83. Hooper Joan B., Thompson Sandra A. (1973). On the applicability of root transformations. Linguistic Inquiry 4: 481. Return to the main document.
Footnote 84. Stalnaker Robert (2002). Common ground. Linguistics and Philosophy 25(5–6): 701−721. Return to the main document.
Footnote 85. Hooper Joan B., Thompson Sandra A. (1973). On the applicability of root transformations. Linguistic Inquiry 4: 480. Return to the main document.
Footnote 86. Grimshaw Jane (2011). The place of slifting in the English complement system. Generative Initiatives in Syntactic Theory 3, Handout. [URL:
https://docs.google.com/file/d/0B1DtOqeuIhA3Nzg2NDNmNzEtMmFkZC00N2VjLThj YmUtNmM0MTA1MzUxMWNj/edit?hl=en_US; accessed February 10, 2016.] Return to the main document.
Footnote 87. Hooper Joan B., Thompson Sandra A. (1973). On the applicability of root transformations. Linguistic Inquiry 4: 465−497. Return to the main document.
Footnote 88. Wilson Deirdre (2011). The conceptual-procedural distinction: Past, present and future. In Procedural Meaning: Problems and Perspectives, Victoria Escandell-Vidal, Manuel Leonetti and Aoife Ahern (eds.), 3-31. Bingley: Emerald Group Publishing. Return to the main document.
Footnote 89. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Footnote 90. Ifantidou Elly (2001). Evidentials and Relevance, 156.
Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Return to the main document.
Przypisy tradycyjne
Footnote 1. In 1B2‒1B10, it is the embedded clause that is the main point or information focus of the utterance, but in other contexts, the main clause with a parenthetical verb may have the main point status (cf. Simons 2007: 1036):
2A: What is bothering Henry?
2B: He thinks that Louise was with Bill last night. Return to the main document.
Footnote 2. Understood narrowly, evidentials indicate only (the type of) the source of evidence for the proposition expressed, e.g. hearsay. On the broad definition of evidentiality (cf., among others, Ifantidou 2001; Rooryck 2001; Speas 2004),
evidentials indicate (the type of) the source of evidence for the proposition expressed
evidentials indicate (the type of) the source of evidence for the proposition expressed