The Overseas Contacts of the Anglo-Saxon England : a reassessment

Mateusz Fafiński

The Overseas Contacts of the

Anglo-Saxon England : a

reassessment

2013

ARTYKUŁY I ROZPRAWY

M ateusz Fafiński

H um boldt-U niversität zu B erlin

THE OVERSEAS CONTACTS

OF THE ANGLO-SAXON ENGLAND.

A REASSESSMENT

This article exam ines th e m ain directions of contact of th e Anglo-Saxon world and the question of E nglish ports, th e e m p o r ia . Together they form the basis of early Anglo-Saxon in te rp re ta tio n of th e B ritish Isles’ p a tte rn of contact.

The question of e m p o r i a (but not necessarily th e e m p o r i a them selves as it will be discussed in th e la s t section) is im p o rta n t here, because as en tities they form ed th e gates of tra d e system of th e Anglo-Saxon E ngland in the given period. As such th ey were also th e windows to th e world and helped in establishin g new contacts an d m ain tain in g th e old ones.

The North

Scandinavia and the Baltic

The N orth as understood h ere span s th ro u g h quite a large region, inclu­ ding Ireland, Scandinavia and the Baltic. The contacts of the Anglo-Saxons with those regions were also specific in natu re - trade mingles here w ith exploration and even w ith ‘adventure’, however rare th is term m ight be in the historiogra­ phical discourse. B ut w hat those regions have in common is not only their geographical locale b u t also th e clearly m aritim e ch a ra c te r of contact, w here shipping served not as an in term ed iary b u t as th e m ain way of traveling.

The contacts of the Anglo-Saxons w ith Scandinavia clearly fall in two m ain chronological periods: before and after the Viking invasions of the 8th century.

B u t not surprisingly, th e contacts before th e Vikings were also vivid and intense.

Anglo-Saxons have come to E ngland by sea from n o rth e rn G erm any and so u th ern D enm ark. T hus th e road to th e N o rth -E ast was a n a tu ra l way of contact, form ing a kind of ‘an cestral highw ay’ for th e early settlers. The n a tu re of th is m igration is a lengthy subject1. W hat m a tte rs is th a t those trav els were m ade by sea, probably th ro u g h coastal sailing an d th e m ig ran ts were a t th e very beginning sm all in num ber, th u s initially keeping close contacts w ith th e ir hom eland.

A second wave of im m igration h a s been suggested based on a careful exam ination of artefacts found in E a s t A nglia and H um berside. It recreated anew th e contacts w ith Scandinavia in th e late 6th century, th is tim e w ith so u th ern N orw ay2. Those contacts m ight be the seeds of th e p a tte rn of contact dom inating th ro u g h m uch of th e existence of th e Anglo-Saxon period. P arallels have been draw n betw een th e settlem ents, state-form ation and even ag ricultu re in E a s t A nglia and so u th ern Norway, fu rth e r im plying some kind of m aritim e contact betw een those two regions.

The grave goods found in th e ship bu rials, including S u tto n Hoo mo­ unds, seem to uphold th is hypothesis. Some far-reaching com parisons w ith finds as far as F in lan d were d raw n 3. The S u tto n Hoo helm et h as been com pared w ith sim ilar pieces found in Sw eden on th e cem eteries in Vendel and Valsgarde4. A lthough a t lea st some aspects of th e ‘Scandinavian connec­ tion’ have been p u t into question and some h isto rian s were very vary in in te rp re tin g th em 5 it is difficult to ignore strik in g style sim ilarities. They m ight in tu rn point to a t lea st aw areness and m aybe full-scale contact, even if interm ed iaries played a large role here. Anglo-Saxon E n gland m ight have, a t th e tim e, played th e role of an in term ed iary betw een th e C ontinent and so u th ern S candinavia6. If so it would be an o th er proof th a t the p a tte rn of contact was co n stan t and did not stop to evolve and expand after th e Rom an w ithdraw al.

Those finds an d c u ltu ral resem blances fit th e picture even b e tte r w hen we look into th e technology used by th e peoples living around th e N orth Sea before th e Vikings and the use they m ade of it. The archaeological findings of 1 For an insightful and interesting view of those migrations look: M.E. Jones, The E nd of Roman Britain, New York 1998.

2 M.O.H. Carver, Pre-Viking traffic in the North Sea, in: Maritime Celts, Frisians and Saxons, ed. S. McGrail, London 1990, p. 117.

3 A. Era-Esko, Sutton Hoo and Finland, “Speculum” 1953, Vol. 28, No. 3 (Jul.), p. 514-515. 4 R.L.S. Bruce-Mitford, Aspects o f Anglo-Saxon Archaeology: Sutton Hoo and other Disco­ veries, London 1974, p. 210-216.

5 Including such authorities like Peter Hunter Blair, look: P. Hunter Blair, Roman Britain and Early England 55 B.C.-A.D. 871, London 1966, p. 26-27.

6 H. Jankuhn, Trade and Settlement in Central and Northern Europe up to and during the Viking Period, “The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland” 1982, Vol. 112, No. 18-50, p. 23.

th e early ships from D enm ark show th a t, a t lea st a t th e beginning, m ost of th e traffic w as done by rowing. Rowing forced th e early sailors to navigate by th e coastline and stop on a beach for th e night during th e ir travels. B ut during th e 5th and 6th centuries th ere is a steady increase in traffic on th e N orth Sea, which m ight in tu rn be connected w ith some developm ents in sailing technology7.

C ertainly those co n strain ts did not influence negatively the abilities of th e early m edieval sailors to cross th e N orth Sea. A ctually th e ir technique m ight have been severely u n d erap p reciated and th e re su lt of ‘Viking revolu­ tion ’ w as not a b reak th ro u g h in technology b u t ra th e r in m asterin g and perfecting th e technique used for years before8.

1ll. 1. The diagrams showing distances and times of travel in the North Sea basin Source: M.O.H. Carver, ‘Pre-Viking traffic in the North Sea’ in M aritime Celts, Frisians and Saxons, ed. S. McGrail, London 1990.

A close look on th e diagram showing th e distances on th e N o rth Sea and th e tim e needed to cross them shows th a t it w as not a gigantic and im possi­ ble endeavour. Bergen in so u thern Norway is accessible in 15 day by rowing and in 9 by sail. These are by no m eans distances unfathom able for the sailors who h ad a t th e ir disposal ships like those found in Nydam . Actually th e tides and w inds helped in th e m aritim e traffic betw een E ngland and

7 O. Crumlin-Petersen, Boats and Ships o f the Angles and Jutes, in: M aritime Celts, Frisians and Saxons, ed. S. McGrail, London 1990, p. 113-114. The question of the existence of sails on the boats of the migrant Anglo-Saxons has spurred quite a discussion, look: M.E. Jones, The literary evidence for mast and sail during the Anglo-Saxon invasions, “Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History” 1992, Vol. 13, p. 31-67.

Norway. Also in th is perspective Ipsw ich in E a s t A nglia is closer to Quento- vic by sea on th e C ontinent th e n it is to M ercia by land. This should give us some idea as to th e p a tte rn s of contact - w h at is today th o ug ht as difficult to access an d therefore unlikely to form a p a rt of recu rrin g contacts, m ight have indeed been closer th e n we think.

W hen discussing th e N orth an d th e B altic alm ost im m ediately we th in k about two E nglish (or p r e s u m a b l y English, depending on th e definition of E nglishness th a t we follow) explorers, nam ely W ulfstan and O hthere. Inclu­ ding th em will slightly violate th e chronological scope of th is work b u t w itho­ u t th em even a n a tte m p t to describe th e p a tte rn s of contact will be incom ple­ te. One can say th a t th e ir voyages were th e products of long tra d itio n and did not originate in a chronological isolation - they were resu lts of lastin g legacy. Both journeys were u n d e rta k e n arou nd th e 880s and 890s and both accounts are included in the king Alfred’s version of Orosius. This Old E n ­ glish tra n sla tio n is essen tial for anybody try in g to u n d e rsta n d th e scope of geographical knowledge of th e Anglo-Saxons as it w as a t th e end of th e 9th century. M uch a tte n tio n h as been devoted to discern w h at were the lands described in both accounts and w h a t were th e fa rth e s t points th e ad v en tu ­ re rs reached.

In the opening passages of his account O hthere w rites th a t he comes from the n o rth ern m o st Norse settlem en t, which w as probably M alangen a re a n e a r Troms. He h a s travelled as far as the W hite Sea an d to a land, w hich he called B jarm land. He h as also described a land or a tribe, which he called C w e n a s , whose id en tity h as sp u rred an in te re stin g academ ic discus­ sion .

W ulfhere, on th e o th er hand, headed E a st and he reached the P ru ssia n em porium of Truso. H is voyage, although m uch shorter, is no less significant. He s ta rte d his voyage in w h a t is believed to be Hedeby. In th e record an Old E nglish form is used which ap p ears to be native and not tra n s la te d 10. Thus, existence of lin g uistic evidence m ig h t reflect a n im p o rta n t tra d e rou te know n long before to English. The question did th e E nglish also frequent Truso is of course open to discussion. The tru e im portance of those voyages an d th e ir accounts is th a t th ey were included in a w ritte n record and, moreover, in a record w ritte n in v e rn acu lar Old English, th u s opening them to a w ider reception. Especially th e account of O h th ere’s trav els seem s to include inform ation im p o rta n t to fu tu re sailors w antin g to go on his route

9 Look: A.S.C. Ross, Cwenas and Lakes, “The Geographical Journal” 1954, Vol. 120, No. 3, (Sep.), p. 337-345 and do not fail to look at a lovely short piece of an old-fashioned historical discussion, which is a delight to read on itself, if only for an almost bucolic understanding of the early medieval economy; certainly a no-miss: J.M. Wordie, E.O.G. Turville-Petre, M.J. Wise, Miss Daunt, Alan S.C. Ross, Lord Rennell, ‘Ohthere’s „Cwenas and Lakes": Discussion, “The Geographical Journal” 1954, Vol. 120, No. 3, (Sep.), p. 345-346.

10 K. Malone, ‘On Wulfstan’s Scandinavia’, Studies in Philology, Vol. 28, No. 4 (Oct. 1931), 574-579, p. 574-575.

and could even be a precise itin e ra ry 11. So, although we cannot pinpoint in the sources any a tte m p t a t recreatin g th e ir voyages, th ey have certainly contributed to th e creation of a p a tte rn of contact.

Ireland

It is problem atic to include Irelan d in th e ‘outside world’, y et th e im por­ tance of th is island to the Anglo-Saxon sphere m erits a t lea st a glance of its place in th e p a tte rn of contact.

Shipbuilding and m aritim e trav el w as probably well developed in Ire ­ land from quite early on. The accounts like N a v i g a t i o of St. B rendan show, th a t th e technology w as flourishing enough to u n d e rta k e ocean voyages and estab lish ing even far-reaching co ntacts12. The Irish m issionaries have re ­ ached th e C ontinent and B rita in well before th e Vikings.

The system of foreign exchange was probably based on a couple of h ig h ­ s ta tu s com m unities, w hich included Clogher an d G arranes, and throu gh which th e goods were fu rth e r red istrib u te d to th e less im p o rta n t settle- m e n ts13. The d istributio n of some types of pottery like the E-ware, shows th a t the tra d e w ith B rita in w as m ainly conducted w ith th e Celtic com m uni­ ties in Wales, Cornwall and Scotland14. Those com m unities m ight have acted as in term ediaries in red istrib u tin g m ate ria l in England.

B ut tra d e does n ot fully explain th e role of Irelan d in th e p a tte rn of contact. The island h a s contributed to it chiefly th ro u g h its m issionary acti­ vity, serving as th e source of C hristian ity and learning to th e n o rth e rn kingdom s of England. In th a t capacity it w as very m uch p rese n t in the common consciousness of th e Anglo-Saxons.

The Continent

Gaul

The trav els of Benedict Biscop serve as an alm ost ideal example of the contacts w ith both the C ontinent in general and Rome in particular. Not only did they provide various artefacts and books (more on this subject in the p a rt of the article devoted specifically to Rome) b u t also through a kind of ‘recruiting’ action brought to England people and m aterials, which were never seen before:

A fter the in terv al of a year, Benedict crossed the sea into Gaul, and no sooner asked th a n he obtained and carried back w ith him some m asons to build him a church in the Rom an style, which he h ad alw ays adm ired. So m uch zeal did he show from his love to S ain t Peter, in whose honour he w as building it, th a t 11 W. C. Stokoe, On Ohthere’s Steorbord, “Speculum” 1957, Vol. 32, No. 2, (Apr.), p. 302. 12 M. Blackwell, Ships in Early Irish History, Clare 1992, p. 21.

13 M. Comber, Trade and Communication Networks in Early Historic Ireland, “The Jour­ nal of Irish Archaeology” 2001, Vol. 10, p. 87.

w ithin a year from the tim e of laying th e foundation, you m ight have seen the roof on and th e solem nity of the m ass celebrated therein. W hen th e work was draw ing to completion, he sen t m essengers to G aul to fetch m akers of glass, (more properly artificers,) who were a t th is tim e unknow n in B ritain, th a t they m ight glaze th e windows of his church, w ith th e cloisters an d dining-rooms. This w as done, and they came, an d not only finished th e work required, b u t ta u g h t th e E nglish n ation th e ir handicraft, which w as well adapted for enclosing the la n te rn s of th e church, and for th e vessels required for various uses. All other things necessary for the service of th e church and the altar, the sacred vessels, and the vestm ents, because they could not be procured in England, he took especial care to buy an d b rin g home from foreign p a rts .15

Should th is fragm en t fall in ‘th e C ontinent’ or r a th e r Rome p a rt of the article? A lthough th e church a t W earm outh-Jarrow w as build in a close resem blance to S a n ta M aria in Cosm edin in Rome, the m asons and m ate ­ ria ls were acquired in F ra n cia and th e church w as supposed to im itate the general, trad itio n of W estern C h ristian ity 16.

The exchange was not one-sided; E ngland did not only tak e from the C ontinent. L et u s give an o th er in te restin g exam ple: in 770 bishop of Mainz Lullus tried to acquire a copy of ‘liber cosm ografiorum ’ from York, w hich was probably a copy of O rosius17.

W ith th e advent of th e ‘age of em poria’ th e N orth Sea and tran s-C h an n el traffic h a s experienced a rea l boom. By th e 8th century th e m aritim e exchan­ ge in th is a re a has been g re a te r th e n in th e M ed iterran ean a t th e sam e tim e 18. It h a s profound consequences for our u n d e rsta n d in g of th e p a tte rn of contact of n ot only Anglo-Saxon E ngland b u t th e whole zone of exchange dom inated by the emporia.

The m ain port on th e continental side of th e C hannel w as Quentovic and because of its vivid and m anifold links w ith E ngland it will serve as an excellent exam ple. A lthough F risia n in origin it clearly h ad a more cosmopo­ lita n ch aracter and quickly fell into F ra n k ish influence.

Bede w rites:

W hen King E gbert had been told, th a t a bishop, th e one they h ad asked for from the bishop of Rome, w as in th e kingdom of the F ran k s, he a t once sen t his reeve nam ed R aedfrith to bring Theodore to him. W hen R aedfrith arrived, he took Theodore w ith the perm ission of E broin and brought him to the port called Quentovic. H ere he w as delayed for some tim e owing to sickness, b u t w hen he h ad begun to recover, he sailed to B rita in .19

15 Bede, The Lives o f The Holy Abbots o f Weremouth and Jarrow, in: http://www.for- dham.edu/halsall/basis/bede-jarrow.html [20.04.2013].

16 J. O’Reilly, The A rt o f Authority, in: After Rome, ed. T. Charles-Edwards, Oxford 2003, p. 145.

17 W. Levinson, England and the Continent in the Eight Century, Oxford 1946, p. 42. 18 C. Wickham, The inheritance o f Rome. A history o f Europe from 400 to 1000, London 2009, p. 230.

H ere Quentovic served as an e n try port to so u th ern B rita in and it m u st have been chosen w ith care, because Theodore w as an im p o rta n t person, escorted by a king’s official.

The archaeological finds from th e site a t Etaples-sur-M er, w here the em porium was placed, show th a t th e contacts w ith B rita in were indeed intensive. There are pottery deposits showing strik in g sim ilarities w ith fin­ dings a t Ham wic (m odern day Southam pton), potash glass from E n gland and an 8th centu ry s c e a tt a coin20. Overall, findings connected w ith th e B ritish Islan d s constitute a large p art. This proves th a t th is se ttle m en t m ight be tre a te d as one of th e m ain g ates to th e C ontinent for England.

The picture becomes even clearer w hen we look a t th e political situation a t the tim e. As Ia n Wood showed, th e M erovingian kings of F ra n cia perce­ ived so u th -eastern E ngland (m ainly Kent) as p a rt of th e ir dominions. In n early all fields: culture, political over-lordship, C hristian isatio n an d la te r C hurch organisation th e M erovingian lords trie d to exercise th e ir power. They also m ade serious a tte m p ts to uphold th e ir claim s on th e diplom atic field21.

The abovem entioned frag m en t of Bede supports th is thesis - th e king’s reeve h a d to ask perm ission of Ebroin, th e N e u stria n m ayor of th e palace, before he could proceed w ith his m ission. From such perspective G aul and th e C hannel ports change th e ir place in th e Anglo-Saxon p a tte rn of contact - such a close link places th em w ithin th e in n er core.

In Quentovic E nglish m erch an ts were gaining access to a wide tra d e netw ork, in which, during th e M erovingian tim es, G aul w as only an in te rm e ­ diary and w hich m ight have included B yzantium and Middle E a s t22 . In th a t case its im portance is profound - serving as a gatew ay it would have opened the o th er zones for th e English. And it also serves as an exam ple of continu­ ity of contact - th e site of Quentovic w as a place of tra d in g and in d u stria l exchange w ith E ngland probably also during th e Rom an tim es23.

Frisians

The F risian s becam e th e successors of th e g rea t ‘tru n k ’ tra d e route from n o rth e rn Italy over th e Alps and down th e R hine to F risia and B ritain as it w as traced by surveying th e findings of th e golden solidi from th e 7th cen tu ­ ry24. The in itial survey of contacts betw een th e F risia n s an d Anglo-Saxon 20 D. Hill, D. Barrett, K. Maude, J. Warburton and M. Worthington, Quentovic Defined, “Antiquity” 1990, Vol. 64, p. 55-57.

21 I. Wood, The Channel from the 4th to the 7th centuries A.D., in: Maritime Celts, Frisians and Saxons, ed. S. McGrail, London 1990, p. 97.

22 P.J. Greary, Before France and Germany. The Creation and Transformation o f the Mero­ vingian World, Oxford 1988, p. 102-103.

23 D. Hill et al., op. cit., p. 51.

24 H.L. Adelson, Early Medieval Trade Routes, “The American Historical Review” 1960, Vol. 65, p. 272.

w as difficult a t th e beginning, because of th e a p p a re n t sim ilarities betw een th e m ate ria l cu ltu res of b oth25. B ut an exchange betw een both cultu res has been pinpointed and supported precisely durin g th e research of th e m aterial culture - stylistic sim ilarities betw een fibulae and brooches found in B ritain and in th e m outh of th e Rhine, findings of exquisite K entish jew elry in F risia. All th is shows th a t th e continuity of tra d e a t th is route h a s been preserved an d th a t F risian s were th e m ain agents of it26.

T heir im portance w as so big, th a t th e ir tra d in g position h a s been a lre ­ ady described as a monopoly. T heir tra d in g activities w ith E ngland were m ade th ro u g h a series of landing places, of which D orestad looks to be the m ost im p ortant. Those lan din g an d tra d in g places have evolved arou n d te r ­ pen - sm all hills w hich were n ot overtaken by w ater du rin g floods. The m ain role of F risian s w as th a t of th e d istrib u to rs - th e goods tran sp o rte d down the Rhine were packed on coastal ships bound to E ngland or Scandinavia. Their key geographical locale w as also th e key to th e ir success27.

D orestad served also as an im p o rta n t in term ed iary w ith th e Baltic, as it specialised in E a ste rn E uro p ean goods an d m erch an ts from th is em porium monopolised th e tra d e w ith B irk a for some tim e28. As such it opened new possibilities of im ports and, before th e advent of th e Vikings, served as virtu ally th e m ost im p o rtan t gate to th e E ast.

The F risian s, sim ilar cu lturally an d im p o rta n t economically, have sp u r­ red a reciprocal move by th e Anglo-Saxons expressed in th e ir a tte m p ts to C hristianise them . W ilfrid undertook th e first m ission in 677 on his way to Rome, b u t it did n ot leave any lastin g effects. W eather he w anted to go to th e F risia n s or w as tak e n th ere by th e treach erous w inds is a question of in te rp re ta tio n of th e sources29. B u t th e contacts were so frequ ent an d so vivid, th a t th e a tte m p ts were m ade again and again by W ih tberht and la te r by W illibrord who, th a n k s to good political circum stances on the C ontinent, finally succeeded an d estab lish ed a see in W ijk bin D uurstede - th a t is D orestad30. H is success m ight have been due to th e perception of Anglo­ Saxons as n o t h o stile a n d n o t p o litically d an g e ro u s com pared to th e F ra n k s 31. Those a tte m p ts la te r fru ited in a m ovem ent, in w hich Anglo­ Saxons established m any more m issions in the contin ental Europe, especial­ ly in Germany.

Overall th e size of th e early m edieval tra d e exchange across th e C hannel w as probably im pressive. The estim ates of th e num ber of coins stru ck during

25 D. Jellema, Frisian Trade in the Dark Ages, “Speculum”, Vol. 30, p. 18. 26 Ibidem.

27 D. Ellmers, The Frisian monopoly o f coastal transport in the 6th-8th centuries A.D., in: Maritime Celts, Frisians and Saxons, London 1990, p. 91-92.

28 O. Pritsak, The Origin o f R us’, “Russian Review” 1977, Vol. 36, No. 3, (Jul.), p. 265. 29 J. Strzelczyk, Iroszkoci w kulturze średniowiecznej Europy, Warszawa 1987, p. 83. 30 F.M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, Oxford 2001, p. 166.

th e reign of Offa (757-796) show figures as high as 6.7 m illion32. If only a portion of th is nu m ber (and as archaeology shows the C hannel tra d e was one of th e m ost im p o rta n t directions) w as devoted to th e R henish a re a and G aul it would be an exam ple of im m ense prosperity tow ards th e end of our chronological scope. A dual axis of cross-C hannel tra d e existed, one leading from London an d th e K entish ports of Fordwich, S arre an d M inster-in- T h an et to D orestad and th e o th er from H am w ich to Quentovic and Rouen33. The foreign tra d e clearly constituted th e m ain source of th e w ealth of the Anglo-Saxon kingdom s34. T hus it is a vivid and im p o rta n t proof th a t the p a tte rn of contacts an d its continuity w as essential for th e very existence of th e Anglo-Saxons - th e political, c u ltu ral and economic in te rests relied on su stain in g th is p attern.

Map. 1. The ‘dual axis’ of trade Source: Own work.

32 D.M. Metcalf, The Prosperity o f North-West Europe in the 8th and 9th Centuries, “Eco­ nomic History Review” 1967, Vol. 20, p. 357.

33 J.R. Maddicott, Trade, Industry and the Wealth o f King Alfred, “Past and Present” 1989, Vol. 123, p. 7.

‘The Overseas’

Byzantium

K rijnie Ciggaar, who exam ined th e contacts betw een th e B yzantine E m ­ pire and E ngland du rin g th e reign of E dw ard th e Confessor, sta te d in his introduction th a t ‘The reader, however, will be offered more questions th a n answ ers, more suggestions th a n conclusions. I hope th a t historians, a r t h i­ storians, archaeologists and o th er people in te rested m ay be stim u lated to keep an eye open for any th in g th a t m ay contribute to a b e tte r u n d erstan d in g of th e relatio ns betw een E a s t an d W est in th e period m entioned’35. This is th e b est sum m ary of any research m ade into those relations. Every finding, every elem ent th a t is a proof of some kind of contact is m ore of a riddle th a n an answer.

One should probably begin w ith th e B yzantine findings from th e S utton Hoo ship b urials, preserved in th e B ritish M useum . The silverw are found th ere were certainly item s tre a te d as h ig h -statu s and th o u g h t of as extrem e­ ly valuable. The bowls, spoons an d p lates b e a r clear C h ristian symbols and some are even inscribed in G reek36. How those item s came to E ngland is of course unclear, b u t it is highly unlikely th a t th ey were b roug ht s tra ig h t from B yzantium . Also, given th e ir high s ta tu s they were probably not trad ed - they could have been gift item s, which seem to be the m ost plausible explanation.

There are th re e tu rn in g points in th e Byzantine-A nglo-Saxon contacts. One is th e arriv al of archbishop Theodore, native of Tarsus, who h as in tro d u ­ ced G reek teaching an d e a ste rn theological th o ught to E ngland. The o ther is th e period of Viking invasions, w hen th e e a ste rn tra d e ro utes becam e more accessible an d m ore an d m ore B yzantine artefacts and currency flowed to England. And th e th ird one is th e period of th e reorganisation of th e B yzan­ tin e arm y a t th e tu rn of 10th and 11th centuries, w hen larg er groups of Anglo-Saxons begin to serve in th e V arangian G u ard37.

Theodore’s m ission to E ngland had a profound im pact. The school he has established in C an terbury m u st have opened the E nglish C hurch for new ideas. Bede is constantly p raisin g Theodore’s tim es38. C ertainly the period of his reign a t C an terb ury m u st have m ade a lastin g m ark on Anglo-Saxon England. In th e description of archbishop’s arrival to England, which has been already quoted in connection w ith Quentovic, we find an in terestin g clue, connected w ith Theodore’s associate who travelled w ith him, nam ed H adrian:

35 K. Ciggaar, England and Byzantium, “Anglo-Norman Studies” 1983, Vol. 5, p. 78. 36 For a thorough description of those items look: R.L.S. Bruce-Mitford et al., The Sutton Hoo Ship-Burial, Vol. 3, p. II, London 1983, p. 69-146.

37 J. Bonarek, Anglosasi w służbie Komnenów. Zarys problemu, in: Per saecula. Dyploma­ cja - gospodarka - historiografia. Studia ofiarowane Profesorowi Edwardowi Alfredowi Mierz­ wie, ed. A. Korytko, B, Krysztopa-Czupryńska, Olsztyn-Piotrków Trybunalski 2008, p. 9-10.

E broin k ep t H ad rian because he suspected him of having some m ission from the em peror to th e kings of B ritain, which m ight be directed ag ain st th e kingdom over w hich a t th a t tim e he held the chief charge. B ut w hen he discovered the tru th , th a t H ad rian h ad never any such m ission a t any tim e, he freed him and allowed him to go after Theodore.39

A lthough it m u st be tre a te d as a pure hypothesis the fear of th e m ayor of th e palace th a t th is H a d ria n m ight have some kind of diplom atic m ission from B yzantium is perplexing. This frag m ent sp urs m any questions: why does he stop him and not Theodore? W hy he th in k s th a t th e em peror m ight be in te rested in an alliance w ith th e E nglish kingdom s a g ain st his rule? Were th ere sim ilar a tte m p ts m ade in th e past? O r is th is ju s t an exam ple of M erovingian p a ra n o ia in full blossom? U nfortun ately we do not have a n ­ sw ers to those questions.

Ill. 3. The ‘folded cross’ from the Staffordshire Hoard

Source: http://www.staffordshirehoard.org.uk/staritems/the-folded-cross [20.05.2013]. The indirectness of th e early contacts w ith B yzantium is evident, they are extrem ely difficult to trace - probably th e m ost effective way is to look at stylistic an d a rtistic sim ilarities. And th ese are num erous. One of th e m ost in te restin g is m aybe th e tre e of life motif, traced in th e early n o rth e rn Anglo­ Saxon a r t 40. The recently found S taffordshire H oard featu res a folded cross, which m ight rep re sen t it41. F u rth e r com parisons have been draw n w ith item s found in th e tre a su ry of St. C u th b e rt w ith some of th em of clear

39 Bede, IV, 1.

40 S. Casson, Byzantium and Anglo-Saxon Sculpture-I, “The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs” 1932, Vol. 61, No. 357 (Dec.), p. 267.

41 The hypotheses made on the Staffordshire Hoard interpretations, which is still in the evaluation and conservation process at the time of writing [2011], are made by the author as based on the first-hand examination of the finds during the preliminary showings of the hoard in Birmingham before the Hoard was removed for conservation.

B yzantine provenience, probably bro u g h t to E ngland by pilgrim s who visited Holy L and42. L a ter on, du rin g the 10th an d 11th centuries, those stylistic sim ilarities can be seen as a developed a rtistic style43.

All in all B yzantium w as well estab lished in th e Anglo-Saxon p a tte rn of contact. The lack of overw helm ing m ate ria l evidence can be explained by the high value of th e item s im ported from th e E a s t and by th e a p p a re n t m u ltitu ­ de of interm ediaries. B u t for exam ple in the case of silk th e volume of exchange m ight have been quite considerable. The situ atio n changes greatly ju s t after th e chronological period of th is work - th e Vikings and presence of Anglo-Saxons a t th e B yzantine payroll have revived th e contacts and proba­ bly rem oved a t lea st some of th e in term ediaries.

Rome

There is some difficulty in assessing, w h ether Rome should be really included in ‘th e O verseas’ p a rt of th is article. N icholas Howe h a s nam ed Rome ‘th e C apital of Anglo-Saxon E ngland’44 and although his sta te m e n t m ight be a b it of a n exaggeration, n evertheless the chief city of C hristendom seem ed n ot to be very rem ote for th e Anglo-Saxons.

The im portance of Rome lies not in being a tra d e partner. It seems highly unlikely, th a t any direct tra d e contacts were k ept w ith th e city on reg u la r basis. O f course th is does not tak e into account the artefacts, books and other th in g broug h t from th e holy city by pilgrim s, trav ellers and m es­ sengers.

There are num erous m entions of various journeys and trav els to Rome in T h e A n g l o - S a x o n C h r o n ic le , some of w hich will be exam ined in detail la te r on. In th is article, happily for any h isto rian, sources m ay speak freely - Rome deserved num erous m entions in th e Anglo-Saxon tex ts and therefore it ap pears in a variety of situatio ns. Therefore out of necessity only some ‘illu stratio n s’ can be m ade here, as th e co n strain ts of th e size of th is work do not p erm it us to elaborate on ju s t th e m ost im p o rta n t issues. Lets begin w ith a slightly different account, nam ely th a t of a situ a tio n w hen a journey was n o t made:

889. This y ear no journey w as m ade to Rome, [except] by two couriers whom king Alfred sen t two m essengers w ith le tte rs.45

The absence of any significant trav ellers on th e ir way to Rome in th is year, except some rou tin e correspondence, seem ed so im p o rta n t for th e scri­

42 S. Casson, op. cit., p. 268.

43 S. Casson, Byzantium and Anglo-Saxon Sculpture-II, “The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs” 1933, Vol. 62, No. 358 (Jan.), p. 35.

44 N. Howe, Rome, Capital o f the Anglo-Saxon England, “Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies” 2004, Vol. 34, p. 147-172.

45 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s. a. 889, in The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, trans. and ed. Michael Swanton, New York: Routledge 1998.

be, th a t he found it necessary to record. He did not w rite down any other events from th a t year. This shows how frequent were the contacts betw een England an d Rome a t th e tim e, those of high-level political s ta tu s and eccle­ siastical n a tu re are recorded in T h e A n g l o - S a x o n C h r o n ic le and th e works of Bede. And it is Bede who records th e very first official ecclesiastical delega­ tion se n t from E ngland to Rome, by archbishop A ugustine a t th e very begin­ ning of his m ission to the island:

He [A ugustine] re tu rn e d to B ritain [from a synod in Arles] and a t once sen t to Rome the p riest L aurence and the m onk P e te r to inform the pope S t Gregory th a t the E nglish race had received the fa ith of C hrist an th a t he him self had been m ade th e ir bishop.46

This was ju s t a beginning of a long sequence of royal, ecclesiastical and private visits to the holy city. L et us again give voice to the sources, w hen kings Oswiu an d E g b ert decided to se n t a p rie st to Rome:

667. In th is y ear Oswy and E gbert sen t W igheard the p rie st to Rome to be consecrated archbishop, b u t he passed aw ay as soon as he arrived th e re .47 Bede duly adds to th is sh o rt inform ation:

[...] Oswiu of N orthum bria and E gbert of K ent, consulted together as to w hat ought to be done about th e sta te of the E nglish Church; for Oswiu, although educated by the Irish, clearly realized th a t th e Rom an C hurch w as both catholic and apostolic; so w ith the choice and consent of th e holy C hurch of th e English people, they took a p rie st nam ed W igheard [...] and sen t him to Rome to be consecrated bishop [...]. W igheard duly reached Rome b u t died before he could be consecrated;48

P u ttin g aside th e Bede’s r a th e r n a sty and only slightly hidden rem ark showing his alm ost u su al anim osity tow ards th e Celtic C h ristian ity th e frag ­ m en t seem s to uphold th e th esis th a t Rome was indeed tre a te d as a source of power and legitimacy. W ith such qualities bestow ed it m u st have served as one of th e focal points of th e p a tte rn of contact. Howe draw s sim ilarities betw een his tre a tin g of Rome as th e capital of th e Anglo-Saxon E n gland and W alter B enjam in’s u n d e rsta n d in g of P a ris as ‘the capital of th e 19th centu ry ’ and draw s a list of featu res th a t justify th is comparison, m ainly focusing on c u ltu ral im portance49 . To all th a t he w rites it is indeed tem pting to add an o th er feature: th a t of a gate.

Rome served not only as a legitim ising an d power-giving centre, th is m etaphorical capital, b u t also as th e gate of th e Anglo-Saxon England. One w as en terin g into th is E ngland th ro u g h Rome from the ‘outside’ world and th ro u g h Rome one w as leaving it. Archbishop Theodore came to E ngland

46 Bede, I, 17.

47 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s. a. 667. 48 Bede, III, 29.

from T arsus th ro u g h Rome - it is highly unlikely th a t w ithout th e passing th ro u g h th is ‘gatew ay’ anyone from so far aw ay would rise into a m ention in th e sources of Anglo-Saxon E ngland. This E ngland h a d even a physical presence in its ‘tra n sc en d e n tal’ capital:

816. In th is y ear pope S tephen passed away, and after him P aschal w as conse­ crated pope. And in the sam e y ear ‘th e School of the E nglish’ w as b u rn t down.50 This ‘School of th e E nglish’ consisted of a whole complex dedicated to help th e pilgrim s, centred aro u nd th e church of S t M ary an d sporting a hostel for pilgrim s51. This district w as in fact ‘a little E ng land ’ - th e V ita P a s c h a l i s records, th a t th e E nglishm en h ad nam ed it a ‘b u rh ’ - b u r g u s in L a tin 52. This estab lish m en t w as founded probably in th e eight centu ry and w as quickly rebuild from th e fire dam ages by th e pope P aschal53.

The ‘schola’ served also as a place of b u rial of a t le a st one E nglish king, B u rh red of M ercia, who died du ring his stay, or r a th e r ‘political retire m e n t’:

874. [...] And he [Burhred] w ent to Rome and th e re resided, and his body lies in S t M ary’s church in ‘th e School of the E nglish’.54

Vikings drove B u rh red o ut of his kingdom - so his journey to Rome for a ‘political retire m e n t’ w as no t only a sign of C h ristian devotion b u t also a logical consequence of tre a tin g Rome as th e legitim ising centre of his own power in his capacity as a king.

The pilgrim s con stitute probably th e silent m ajority of trav ellers to Rome. The passage w as by no m eans a safe one an d it w as clearly n o t easy to afford to go there. The E nglish a u th o rities understood it early on. W hen th e king W ulfhere of M ercia h a s endowed th e m onastery of Peterborough ( M e d e s h a m s te d e in Old English) he h a s in one passage un derlined both this fact an d th e au th o rity of Rome:

656. [...] T hus I desire to free th is m onastery so th a t it be subject only to Rome; and I desire th a t all of us who cannot go to Rome come to visit S t P eter here.55 This legitim ising power of Rome is fu rth e r un derlined in a next passage from the sam e year:

[...] W hen th is m a tte r w as brought to a conclusion, th e king se n t to Rome to V italian, who w as th e n pope, and desired th a t he would g ra n t w ith his bull and w ith his blessing all the proceedings aforesaid. And the pope sen t his bull, saying thus: I, pope V italian, g ra n t to you, king W ulfhere, and to th e archbishop D eusdedit and to th e abbot Seaxw ulf all th e things which you ask, and I forbid 50 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s. a. 816.

51 D. Whitelock, The Beginnings o f English Society, London 1952, p. 175.

52 W. Levinson, op. cit., p. 41. He speculates, that the modern name of Borgo Santo Spirito might be indeed derived from the Old English ‘burh’.

53 N. Howe, op. cit., p. 147-148. 54 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s. a. 874. 55 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s. a. 656.

any king or any m an to have any authority there except the abbot alone, and th a t he obey no m an except the pope of Rome and the archbishop of Canterbury.56 The relative ease a t which W ulfhere sends th is m ission to Rome is a confirm ation th a t such endeavours were not seen as som ething ex trao rd i­ nary. It is also w orth m entioning th a t th e pope was not asked an d did not g ra n t powers to th e king - he w as m erely se n t to acknowledge his, papal, authority.

Yet th e visits to Rome were n o t only m ade w ith in ten tio n to go to the holy sites. One notable exam ple of a full-scale expedition m ade to Rome was th a t of B enedict Biscop. He h as visited the holy city a t lea st five tim es. The first two voyages were m ore sp iritu a l in character, b u t on th e th ird , fourth and fifth he h a s acquired a large q u a n tity of not only books b u t also ‘Some decorations and m u n im ents th ere were w hich could not be procured even in Gaul, an d th ese th e pious founder determ ined to fetch from Rome’57. He has also brou gh t from Rome a singer n am ed Jo h n in order to teach th e English the G regorian chant. B ut his m ain focus w hen visiting Rome was the con­ stru ctio n of his library. And by lib rary he understood n ot only books b u t also pictures, showing events from th e Bible, which he hung in th e church:

[...] [Benedict] accom plished a th ird voyage from B ritain to Rome, and brought back a large num ber of books on sacred lite ra tu re , which he h ad e ith e r bought a t a price or received as gifts from his friends.

[...] he not long afte r m ade his fifth voyage from B rita in to Rome, and retu rn ed

(as u su a l) (MF) w ith an im m ense num ber of proper ecclesiastical relics. There

were m any sacred books pictures of the saints, as num erous as before. He also brought w ith him pictures out of our Lord’s history, w hich he hung round the chapel of O ur Lady in the larg er m onastery;58

This is an exam ple of a c u ltu ral exchange of a g re a t scope. The trav els and actions of Benedict Biscop have resu lted in th e creation of W earm outh- Jarrow , one of th e g re a te st of th e Anglo-Saxon m onasteries. And th is very m onastery, am ong other significant works of a rt, has created th e C o d e x A m i a t i n u s 59, th e g re a te st Bible of the E arly M edieval world, which h a s been sen t as a gift to th e pope, b u t h a s never reached its destination, being now held in Florence. One can say th a t if all th e books, relics and knowledge ta k e n from Rome by Benedict Biscop were tre a te d as a loan it h a s been thrice repaid.

There is an o th er kind of trav els th a t brought its special m ark on th e p a tte rn of contact betw een th e Anglo-Saxon E ngland and Rome, nam ely th e royal visits and pilgrimages. Caedwalla, king of Wessex, undertook th e first significant one, after he abdicated in 689 and his road has tak e n him through

56 Ibidem.

57 http://www.fordham.edu/halsan/basis/bede-jarrow.html [26.03.2013]. 58 Ibidem.

S am er n e a r Calais (were he m ade some donations to th e local m onastery) an d the court of C unipert, king of th e L om bards60. H is desire w as to receive bap tism a t th e h an d s of th e pope, th u s securing his way into heaven and he w as g ran ted his wish, after w hich he died 10 days la te r and w as buried at St. P e te r’s61. He was supposed to be still ‘in his baptism al robes’62.

C aedw alla is a perplexing figure - his nam e is B ritish in origin63 and he w as on th e one h an d a fervent sup p orter of the C hurch an d on th e o ther a ru th le ss w arrio r64. His decision to trav el to Rome h a s been in te rp re te d as a re su lt of a serious wound he received shortly before he set o u t65. It m ay be so, b u t nevertheless his dubious background an d a decision, which closely em u lates th e practice of th e first C h ristian em perors, point to a conscious a tte m p t to tak e p a rt in th e very p a tte rn of contact we are try in g to describe here. H is journey to Rome is symbolic in n a tu re b u t it also sets a precedent. H is successor, Ine, h as decided to do exactly th e sam e an d abdicated, albeit after a m uch longer reign, and trav elled to Rome in a hope of redeem ing his soul. W hat is in te restin g here is th a t, in th e words of Bede:

[...] [Ine] left his kingdom to younger m en and w ent to the threshold of the apostles, while Gregory w as pope, to spend some of his tim e upon e a rth as a pilgrim in the neighbourhood of the holy places [...]. At th is tim e m any Englishm en, nobles an d commons, layfolk and clergy, m en and women, were eager to do the sam e th in g .66

The events here, tak in g place in 726, were contem porary to Bede an d he looks well informed. It is not necessary a proof of a w idespread royal in sp ira ­ tion b u t certainly it shows th a t the pilgrim age to Rome w as not som ething entirely extraordinary a t th e tim e. A fterw ards kings travelled to Rome m any tim es w ith Alfred visiting the holy city a t least three tim es, first tim e still as a child67. Those royal visits continued th e existing p a tte rn of contact and also stressed th e notion of Rome being ‘th e C apital of the Anglo-Saxon E ngland’.

The Holy Land and the Islamic World

The perception of th e Holy L an d in th e Anglo-Saxon E ngland w as fu n d a­ m entally in debt of A dom nan’s work D e L o c is S a n c t i s , w hich w as an account of th e voyage of a Gallic m onk Arculf, who shipw recked on th e coast of

60 F.M. Stenton, op. cit., p. 70.

61 P. Hunter Blair, op. cit., p. 210-211; The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle s. a. 688. 62 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle s. a. 688.

63 H. Mayr-Harting, The Coming o f Christianity to Anglo-Saxon England, University Park 1991, p. 31.

64 F.M. Stenton, op. cit., p. 69.

65 B. Yorke, Kings and Kingdoms o f Early Anglo-Saxon England, London 1997, p. 137. 66 Bede, V, 7.

B rita in 68. The basis of the w ritte n account consisted of aforem entioned D e L o c is S a n c t i s and the account of a voyage by W illibald, la te r on bishop of E ic h sta tt, w ritte n down by a n u n nam ed H ygeburg an d in serted in th e V ita W i l i b a l d i 69. As th e two areas and subjects are closely interw oven th ey will be discussed here together.

B ut th e m ain research question to be posed here is not w h ether contacts or trav els like th ese existed. It is rath e r: can we on th e account of existing m ate ria l an d tex tu al evidence include th e Islam ic World and th e Holy Land in th e p a tte rn of contact? As one can see it h a s certainly existed very m uch in th e com m unal consciousness of a t lea st th e elites and some of th e m em ­ bers of the tra d in g stra tu m .

H ygeburg describes in detail th e way a pilgrim h a d to tak e in order to get to the Holy Land an d although th e endeavour is described as a solem n m a tte r it is by no m eans considered impossible or ex tra o rd in a ry 70. It begins a t th e g rea t em porium of th e tim e, H am wich, w here th e pilgrim s em bark on a probably F risia n m erch an t vessel, which tak e s th em to th e C ontinent, n ear Rouen. L a ter on th e ir way is described w ith some detail togeth er w ith th eir various adv en tu res in th e Holy L an d 71. The journey is full of perceptive accounts of M uslim life and m in u te detail. As D e lo c iis s a n c t i s it ap pears to be a genuine w itness account, full of stunningly accurate descriptions of churches and holy places72.

Both au th o rs are m arvelled by w h a t they see. B u t A rcu lfs account evi­ dently often lacks th e proper term inology and vocabulary to describe p a rtic u ­ la r M uslim buildings, especially th e m osques, as it is evident w hen he visits the all-im portant city of Dam ascus:

The king of the Saracens h as seized th e governm ent, an d reigns in th a t city, and a large church h as been bu ilt th ere in honour of St. Jo h n B aptist. There h a s also been built, in th a t sam e city, a c h u r c h o f u n b e lie v in g (MF) Saracens, which they frequent.73

68 A dam nan’s De Locis Sanctis, ed. D. Meehan, Dublin 1958.

69 For an insightful study of this work and its author look: P. Head, Who Is the N un from Heidenheim? A Study o f Hugeburc’s Vita Willibaldi, “Maedium Aevum” 2002, Vol. 71, No. 1 (Spr.), p. 29-46.

70 The Hodoeporicon o f St. Willibad by Huneberc o f H eidenheim at http://www.for- dham.edu/HALSALL/basis/willibald.html [20.03.2013].

71 I am indebted to the seminal work of Katherine Scarfe-Beckett, who has analysed both of those important account and provided with some most interesting conclusions, look: K. Scarfe-Beckett, Anglo-Saxon Perceptions o f the Islamic World, Cambridge 2003.

72 The edition of De lociis sanctis present at the Colorado state University on-line reposi­ tory reproduces some of the reconstructions made out of the text from the 1895 London edition, look: http://faculty.colostate-pueblo.edu/beatrice.spade/seminar97/arculf/arculfus.htm [20.03.2013].

73 http://faculty.colostate-pueblo.edu/beatrice.spade/seminar97/arculf/arculfus.htm [22.04.2013].

On th e o th er occasion he nam es th e M uslim place of w orship o r a tio n is d o m u s , a house of p ray e r74. A rculf seem s to tr e a t Islam as u n im p ortan t, alm ost as a passing m atter, w hich ju s t for a certain tim e changes th e c u ltu ­ ra l landscape of th e Holy L a n d 75. B u t on th e other hand, H ygeburg’s account is w ritte n from an en tirely different perspective, alm ost accepting th e Isla­ mic presence76.

T h e A n g l o - S a x o n C h r o n ic le supplies us w ith account of th re e more voy­ ages of th is type in 884, 1052 and 1058, m ade respectively by two anonym o­ us pilgrim s, Swein, th e son of Godwin and archbishop E aldred of York77. The la s t two are well beyond th e chronological scope of th is work.

B u t all th is tex tu al and litera ry references give us exceptional accounts, which can only place th e Holy L and an d th e Islam ic World in th e m en tality of th e Anglo-Saxons in E ngland, th ro u g h th e way of reception of those tex ts and oral accounts of those voyages78. L et us tu rn th e n on to the m aterial evidence, expressed chiefly by coins.

The m ost vivid exam ple of such a coin w as indeed no t m in ted in the A rab World. It is th e so-called ‘d in ar of Offa’, found in Italy b u t m ost c e rtain ­ ly stuck in England. It is a copy of ‘Abbasid d in ar of al-M ansur from A.D. 774 an d it also b ears the inscription ‘Offa Rex’ in L a tin script. It m ight be in terp reted , as it w as found in Italy, as a p a rt of trib u te paid to the pope - w ith Islam ic currency tre a te d as th e m ost reliable form of m oney it would have raised th e s ta tu s of th e p ay m en t79 . B u t th is in te rp re ta tio n is not necessarily correct: th e coin m ight have been a kind of gift-item , which would not be tre a te d sim ply in th e m eans of pay m en t80 . The first in te rp re ta ­ tion would have proved Kufic coins found in E ngland, like th e two d in ars from E astbo u rn e in Sussex from A.D. 724-74381 to be traces of trad e. The second one m ight point tow ards th e ir s ta tu s as gift-item s, luxury proofs of sta tu s or a secure an d well-recognised way to accommodate w ealth.

The findings of Arabic coins in E ngland before th e period of Viking invasions are scarce, b u t they have th e ir renaissance afterw ards, by virtu e of tra d e ro u tes from S candinavia to th e M iddle E a s t82 . Those coins, found in h oards as well as in individual finds should by all m eans be in te rp re te d as

74 K. Scarfe-Beckett, op. cit., p. 45. 75 Ibidem, p. 46.

76 Ibidem. 77 Ibidem, p. 53.

78 Although the reception of Hygeburg’s work has been put in question in one of the reviews of Scarfe-Beckett’s work: Ch. Burnett, Katharine Scarfe Beckett, Anglo-Saxon Percep­ tions o f the Islamic World’, “The Journal of Religion” 2005, Vol. 85, No. 3 (Jul.), p. 523.

79 A. Petersen, The archaeology o f Islam in Britain: recognition and potential, “Antiquity” 2008, Vol. 82, No. 382 (Dec.), p. 1081.

80 A. Cutler, Gifts and Gift Exchange as Aspects o f the Byzantine, Arab, and Related Economies, “Dumbarton Oaks Papers” 2001, Vol. 55, p. 274, footnote 151.

81 K. Scarfe-Beckett, op. cit., p. 55. 82 A. Petersen, op. cit., p. 1081-1082.

resu lts of trad e, albeit alm ost certainly indirect. The Viking period lies on th e o u tsk irts of th e chronological scope of th is work, yet by th en certainly th e Islam ic World con stitu ted a p a rt of th e p a tte rn of contact, however indirectly.

The m ate ria ls im ported to E n gland from the Arabic World s ta r t even in the pre-Islam ic e ra as grave goods. T here is a whole a rra y of m ate ria ls - ran g in g from th e m edical com ponents m entioned in B a l d ’s L e e c h b o o k and L a c u n g a to silks and spices83. All of those m ate ria ls probably came to E n ­ gland indirectly, th ro u g h various interm ediaries: a t th e beginning it could have been F risians, la te r on th e Vikings.

From th is we can draw th e following conclusions: th e goods from the Islam ic World certainly existed and are well a tte ste d in th e Anglo-Saxon E ngland; Islam ic coinage w as p rese n t in Anglo-Saxon E ngland, though pro­ bably (but not necessarily) th ro u g h th e help of interm ediaries; Offa’s im ita ­ tion of a d in ar m ight have served as a powerful gift-item and n ot necessarily an elem en t of a m onetised economy; th e Holy Land founded a p a rt of a m ental focal point of th e p a tte rn s of contact - the tra v e ls th ere were by no m eans extrem ely ra re endeavours and, especially in the la te r period, m ight have happened quite frequently; nevertheless the m ain role of the Holy Land in the p a tte rn of contact was in the field of mentality; the Islamic World was present in the p a tte rn of contact m ainly through interm ediaries; the question w eather the exact prominence of artefacts and m aterials imported from this sphere were known to the English a t this period rem ains open; all those doubts do not, however, exclude th e Islam ic World from th e p a tte rn of contact

Emporia?

A t the end of th is article we tu rn to th e em poria. The purpose of this sub-section is n o t to m ake a list, an archaeological g azetteer of sites an d to evalu ate the role of those sites, as th is would only create an en um eratio n of nam es w ith ever-repeating lists of im ports and exports. R ath er let us look into th e relation betw een th e em poria an d th e p a tte rn of contact and we­ a th e r really th e em poria were so all-powerful elem ents of it.

R ichard Hodges brou g ht th e term into th e scholarly discourse about the period84 and has sp u rred quite a discussion by scholars85 and by the a u th o r him self86. Hodges h a s p ostulated th a t th e economy of the D ark Ages was

83 K. Scarfe-Beckett, op. cit., p. 63-68.

84 R. Hodges, Dark Age Economics. The Origins o f Towns and Trade A.D. 600-1000, New York 1982.

85 R. Samson, Illusory emporia and m ad economic theories, in: Anglo-Saxon Trading Cen­ tres: Beyond the Emporia, ed. M. Anderton, Glasgow 1999.

centred on th e e m p o r i a - tra d in g com m unities of two m ajor types A and B. The type A were seasonal tra d in g places, w here m erch an ts m et a t p a rticu la r tim es and type B were p e rm a n en t settlem ents. In Hodges’ system everything evolved aro un d those settlem ents, which in tu rn were controlled by various levels of royal authority.

Thence, w hen we look a t his theory, the D ark Age economics (including its nam e, w here deliberately th e E arly M iddle Ages are nam ed r a th e r a n a ­ chronistically) app ears to be some kind of M arxist, sta te (or r a th e r royal) controlled system , w ith designated places for in te rn atio n a l trade. In th is dystopian vision also th e p a tte rn of contact would be relying on some a u th o ­ rity consent. If th is were to be tru e , it would have been a r a th e r gloomy world in a n u rg en t need of a revolution.

The m ain a rg u m en t used a g a in st Hodges th esis w as th a t he ignored the existence and role of num erous oth er economic settlem ents: towns, cities, royal vils - in other words he seem ed to ignore th e existence of th e whole in d u stria l h in te rla n d 87. This u n d e rsta n d in g of th e em poria system is, of course, impossible to accept.

The p a tte rn of contact on the m ate ria l level encom passes both th e h in ­ terlan d , understood as th e body of th e country and th e em poria, w hich are g ates to th is h in te rla n d - windows th ro u g h w hich the tra d e and trav els are m ade. By no m eans are th ey all-powerful centres and em an ation s of royal powers. This u n d e rsta n d in g is supported by th e m odern view of one of the g re a te st em poria of Anglo-Saxon E ngland - Hamwic. R ecent re-evaluation of th is im p o rta n t E arly M edieval site shows th a t th is w as not a consolidated se ttle m en t b u t r a th e r a buzzing a re a in co n stan t tra n sitio n were various settlem en ts changed th e ir interactio ns w ith each o ther and w ith th e outside world88. A sim ilar situation occurs in York.

The royal control w as also no t so strong and w h a t did Hodges tak e as an alm ost all-powerful system m ight have ju s t been an exam ple of a d m in istra ti­ ve efficiency89.

All in all th e em poria system h ad of course a profound im portance in the p a tte rn of contact. F irstly it helped to preserve continuity in a v ariety of ways. In question of sites like York and London it w as a continuity of se ttle m en t - th e favourable conditions of the form er Rom an sites connected w ith th e possible in teractio n w ith the indigenous population helped to carry on th e occupation of those places. Ham wic is a specific exam ple w ith occupa­ tion stretch in g m aybe as far as th e Iron Age. B u t m ost im portantly, because th e em poria were som etim es situ a te d away from th e form er places of se ttle ­

87 R. Samson, Illusory emporia and m ad economic theories, in: Anglo-Saxon Trading Cen­ tres, p. 82-87.

88 A. Morton, Hamwic in its context, in: Anglo-Saxon Trading Centres: Beyond the Empo­ ria, ed. M. Anderton, Glasgow 1999, p. 48-49.

89 N. Middleton, Early medieval port customs, “Early Medieval Europe” 2005, Vol. 13, No. 4, p. 350.

m ent, th ey helped to preserve the tra d e routes and ways of trav el on th e both sides of the Channel. Places like D orestad and Ham wic m ain tain ed the routes, which were centu ries old.

Secondly th e em poria allowed increased m aritim e activity. As safe h a ­ vens they provides place for m erch an ts b u t m ainly they created zones of exchange aro un d th em in w hich both in d u stria l and tra d e activity could be conducted. In an economy, w hich could not su sta in large cities, th is w as of profound im portance.

To conclude th is sh o rt sketch on th e problem of em poria one m u st say th a t th e question m ark in th e title m u st be retain ed. N ot because th e exi­ stence of those sites is dubious or th e ir role in the p a tte r of contact, b u t because th e ir ch aracter w as not th a t of a single, co n stan t settlem ent. R a th e r they evolved an d changed and th u s we m u st constantly a d a p t our definition and u n d erstan d in g of th e term to th e new findings and new in terp retatio n s.

The analysis p resen ted in th is article shows, th a t th e ‘p a tte rn of contact’ w as a constantly changing collection of tra d e routes, pilgrim roads, ad v e n tu ­ re rs tra v e ls and power links th a t not only played an im p o rta n t role in the economy, b u t also helped to define th e very m eaning of th e Anglo-Saxon world.