M a n u e l J a c i n t o R o b l i z o C o l m e n e r o , M a r í a d e l C a r m e n S á n c h e z P é r e z
University of Castilla-La Mancha, Spain
EDUCATIONAL ACHIEVEMENT AS DEFINING FACTOR
IN SOCIAL STRATIFICATION : INCIDENCE IN SOCIAL
MOBILITY IN CONTEMPORARY SPAIN
ABSTRACT
One especially relevant key theme in Sociology of Education is to what extent parents’ cultural level has signifi cant implications in students’ educational achievement and, as a consequence, in the social mobility inherently linked to level of education and profes-sional training – that is, how far the so-called cultural capital has a meaningful infl uence on current Spanish society. In order to investigate this aspect, our purpose has been to make an analysis based on data coming from public opinion surveys carried out by major socio-logical and statistical Spanish institutions. Since recently, these data are freely available to researchers, what makes possible the access to viewpoints of large samples of respondents. In short, with a view in the two-generation transit throughout the Spanish educational system, we will observe the validity of patterns of social and cultural inequality still infl
u-encing – though not determining – the educational achievement of Spanish population and,
therefore, its professional development.
Key words:
1.
Introduction: ‘cultural capital’ in contemporary Spanish society
as a defining element of intergenerational transmission
Some decades ago, the concept of ‘cultural capital’1 was coined pursuing to disclose economically-based class relations that underlay diff erences in performance in education, and off ering, as well, a way to question the dominant educational dis-course. Th e term became a watershed in analysis and refl ections about the nature of the educational system, and developed into one of the main spotlights in con-temporary Sociology of Education. From 1970 on, social landscape in the so-called Western societies has changed dramatically, moving from an industrial setting to a post-industrial one, where validity of class-based assumptions is approached in a diff erent and frequently sceptical way.
In this sense, even though it could be theoretically legitimate and appropriate, we are not aiming now to analyze in depth the validity of 1970 Bourdieu and Pas-seron’s claims, with all its theoretical connotations, but just to approach the current Spanish educational reality with a view on a factor whose relevance was originally put forward by these authors. In this sense, according to data from Spanish Insti-tute National for Assessment of Quality of Educational System2, parents’ educa-tional level turns out to be an adequate explanatory factor to be kept in mind for an appropriate understanding of the social reality of education, since there is a par-allel progression between children’s results and parents’ level of studies in every area of knowledge. Th e same research quantifi es with Pearson’s correlation index the link between family’s cultural level and achievement in Spanish language (0.285), Maths (0.307) and Knowledge of environment (0.314)3, which gives us a more precise numerical expression of something that is hardly expressed with such accuracy through words. In all the cases, the diff erences are statistically sig-nifi cant. Th e concept cultural capital itself provides us with a meaningful frame to analyse the relevance of intergenerational transmissions in the particular Spanish case in two steps: fi rstly, in educational achievement, where some signifi cant infl u-ences can easily be observed; secondly, we will try to make clear for this paper’s readers how educational level acts as a key element strongly defi ning though not determining positions in labour market, with special reference to the peculiarities of the Spanish one. It was many years ago when Lester C. Th urow put forward the
1 P. Bourdieu, J.C. Passeron, Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture, London 1970.
2 Instituto Nacinal de Evaluacion y Calidad del Sistema Educativo (INECSE), Evaluación de la
educación primaria 2003, Madrid 2005.
theory of the employment queue4 as a criticism of the classic theory of human
capi-tal, originally formulated in relation to education by Th eodore W. Schultz5 and Gary Becker6, which emphasized the value of investments in training for eco-nomic promotion, both in the personal and collective sense. From Th urow’s view-point, this was a valid approach only for welfare economic periods, but in recession ones the adequacy between qualifi cations and economic demand would be far from complete. In these contexts, education becomes a defensive weapon, and it is no longer a way to achieve better incomes.
In Spain, a main factor to weigh the extent to which a particular position in workforce can be considered more or less successful or favourable is unemploy-ment rate, due to the special characteristics of the Spanish labour market, with the highest rate in the whole European Union – occasionally ‘overtaken’ by Greece. Only workers with University qualifi cations off er a rate signifi cantly below the national average, which indicates a, comparatively speaking, more favourable start-ing point in the employment race – so especially diffi cult in Spain7. In our data, we will observe the validity of Th urow’s approach nowadays –particularly in relation to stability in public sector work.
Strongly linked to the issues above, other factors are amenable to be analysed. Th us, it could be weighed to what extent the so-called ‘cultural capital’ is linked to ‘economic capital’. It has been also observed that the cultural capital has its corre-sponding translation into social class, whose belonging acts as an infl uential factor regarding percentages of 16 and 17 year-old population enrolled in post-compul-sory secondary education. Parents’ labour qualifi cation can be considered as an infl uential one in a number of aspects. Th is point has been approached focusing on the still underlying inequalities in enrolment rates, which has a particular meaning given that, apart from individual achievement, parents’ working condition becomes an ingredient amenable to be aff ecting children’s future perspectives and parents’ will to invest in education for their off spring. In this sense, it has been observed8 how more than 72% of children of manual non-qualifi ed workers’ drop out aft er compulsory education, with a similarly high fi gure (63.6) for the other worse-off group –agrarian workers. In these cases, both the comparatively lower
4 L.C. Th urow, Educación e igualdad económica, „Educación y sociedad” 1983, No. 2, pp. 159–171.
5 T.W. Schultz, Valor económico de la educación, México 1968.
6 G. Becker, El capital humano. Un análisis teórico y empírico referido fundamentalmente a la
educación, Madrid 1983.
7 Instituto Nacinal de Evaluacion y Calidad del Sistema Educativo (INECSE), Sistema estatal de
indicadores de la educación 2004, Madrid 2004, p. 3.
qualifi cation – and, therefore, educational level, and the worse economic condition can be considered as very strongly defi ning elements at this stage that is the normal way to University studies.
Th e diversity of factors involved in the mechanism of cultural capital has been widely covered by Spanish authors. In this sense, data referring to number of books at home, TV consumption, availability at home of the Internet and the frequency of parents’ assistance with children’s homework are suffi ciently meaningful of the diverse atmospheres off ered in the respective cultural backgrounds9. Th ese last aforementioned fi gures are clear indicators of the degree of parental involvement in their off spring’s education. In this way, trying to defi ne the specifi c mechanisms working in this contemporary form of cultural capital, it is expected that the dif-ferential availability of cultural resources at home would make easier a diff erential achievement at school for the off spring living in these diverse cultural environ-ments.
But, it is not only a matter of having material books at hand; for children, with so marked imitative behaviour, educational-favouring routines in their closest contexts facilitate the internalization of propitiatory habits. If we follow with this movement from material to the immaterial factors, we can focus our attention to what, from our viewpoint, could be considered as data particularly loaded with signifi cance as the ones that show the social basis of sons and daughters’ expecta-tions in relation to further studies. In this way, a INCE (Spanish National Institute of Quality and Evaluation) piece of research shows to what extent parents’ expec-tations of the highest educational level to be achieved by their children is solidly defi ned by parents’ own level. Put simply, parents with a high educational level are prone to expect a similar achievement for their off spring, and vice versa10. Th e fol-lowing step in this logic is given by the extent to what off spring’s expectations are refl ecting parents’ ones children could be inclined to ignore them, but it is not the prevalent case. INCE11 research also provides the required evidence with fi gures that show the coincidence between the expectations of both generations. In an-other context, it is quite signifi cant to observe how parents with diverse cultural levels address the choice of schools to their children with diff erent criteria, with the corresponding consequences for possibilities of success12.
9 V. Pérez-Díaz, J.C. Rodríguez, L. Sánchez, La familia española ante la educación de sus hijos,
Barcelona 2001.
10 Instituto Nacional de Calidad y Evaluacion (INCE), Sistema estatal de indicadores de la
edu-cación 2002, Madrid 2002.
11 Ibidem.
And this unequal availability of resources – both material and immaterial – is connected, in the Spanish case, to the duality existing in the educational system between private-owned and public-owned centers, with diverse consequences as the diff erent chances of promotion from one course to the following13. Parents’
cul-tural level variable is present in Spanish reality, as well, as an explanatory ingredient in relation to centre ownership, in that it is possible to fi nd in private educational institutions a noticeably higher presence of highly-qualifi ed and educated pro-genitors14. Meanwhile, it has also been observed that academic achievement is more satisfactory in private centres15. Th is reality has become particularly apt to misunderstandings, and recent data from Instituto de Evaluación makes clear, through taking into consideration the so-called Socio-economic and Cultural Index (ISEC) that results have to be analyzed at the light of social setting of both students and centers16.
2. Methods
In short, there is a wide array of precedents that show the interrelation existing in Spain between parents’ cultural level, on the one hand, and educational achieve-ment and professional developachieve-ment of off spring, on the other. Th ese pieces of re-search can be classifi ed in two types: some of them can be found, as bibliographi-cal resources, in form of publications about educational topics made by diff erent authors; others are pieces of research carried out by INCE, INECSE or Instituto de Evaluación (basically the same institution, attached to Spanish Ministry of Educa-tion, but with diff erent names). In this second case, the methodology consists of a series of tests developed with a sample of Primary students in the whole country; the results are conveniently tabulated by key sociological indicators.
Our research question intends to clarify to what extent social inequalities can be still infl uencing educational attainment and its subsequent location in the la-bour market. Th ere is a certain sense that in advanced post-industrial societies the disappearance/diminishing of social divisions, alongside with policies promoting
13 J. Gimeno, La calidad del sistema educativo vista desde los resultados que conocemos [in:] El
sistema educativo. Una mirada crítica, J. Gimeno, J. Carbonell (eds.), Madrid 2004 pp. 187–190.
14 Instituto Nacinal de Evaluacion y Calidad del Sistema Educativo (INECSE), Evaluación de la
educación…, op.cit., p. 60.
15 Ibidem, pp. 58, 95 and 147; Instituto de Evaluacion, Evaluación general de diagnóstico 2009,
Madrid 2010, p. 160 and 162.
the equality of opportunities, could derive in a educational system where cultural diff erences in families’ environment are scarcely relevant. On the contrary, it would be possible to assume that these cultural diff erences can be determinant of educa-tion and professional development of individuals. Our conclusions will be statisti-cally based, thus empiristatisti-cally defi ning sociological trends. We would like to empha-size, however, that it does not mean the capability to bring about cause-eff ect determining laws. Cultural capital will show its incidence, but certainly we do not intend to improperly overweigh it with unfounded generalizations. Or, to put it another way, it will be observed that parents’ cultural level cannot be considered as a determinant factor at all, although its infl uence in educational achievement and social mobility will be clearly shown as still noticeable.
Our purpose is to rely on data from public opinion surveys in order to check this assumption. Luckily, the main statistical and sociological institutions in Spain have recently adopted policies that, with the assistance of new technologies, make possible the access to their data in a highly convenient way. In this sense, micro-cards with surveys data from National Statistics Institute (INE) and Center of Sociological Research (CIS) are put at researchers’ disposal through the web, as well as data whose variables is possible to cross on the basis of research’s interest. It makes possible, all in all, to turn to big samples to address research questions without the frequently unaff ordable task of carrying out a fi eldwork. In the follow-ing table we summarize the sources used for this paper.
Table 1. Methodological summary of sources
Research Sample
characteristics Objective Fieldwork Web site
Survey one Household Expenditure on Education 2007 (INE) 3.299 households To study expenditure on education by households during 2007 March 2007– –March 2008 http://www.ine.es/jaxi/ menu.do?L=1&type=pca xis&path=%2Ft13%2Fp4 60&fi le=inebase Survey on Adult Population Involvement in Learning Ac-tivities (EADA 2007) (INE) 24.030 individuals (aged 25–74 y.) To ascertain the training and learning activities carried out by the adult population: „learning throughout life”. 2007 http://www.ine.es/jaxi/ menu.do?L=1&type=pca xis&path=%2Ft13%2Fp4 59&fi le=inebase Survey on Spanish Youth 2007 (CIS) 1.466 individuals (aged 15–29 y.) 1–7 October 2007 http://www.cis.es/cis/ opencms/-Archivos/Mar-ginales/2720_2739/2733/ Ft2733.pdf
Research Sample
characteristics Objective Fieldwork Web site
European Union Household Panel 2001 76.500 households (155.000 interviewees)
To make available to the European
Commission a statisti-cal observation instru-ment for the study and follow up of quality of life, labour market conditions and social cohesion in relation to the information re-quirements of active EU policies in these fi elds and their eff ects on population. October–De-cember 1994 for the fi rst cycle (some of the households, due to localisa-tion problems, were investi-gated during January 1995) http://www.ine.es/en/ daco/daco42/panelhog/ notaphoge_en.htm#obje
3. Results
PARENTS’ CULTURAL BACKGROUND: INCIDENCE IN EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT AND FURTHER STUDIES EXPECTATIONS
When it comes to go deeper into the reasons that underpin these aforementioned widely spread cultural infl uences, we should turn to the role of culturally-based background, with a double meaning in that, fi rstly, family’s cultural capital is deci-sively linked to educational resources available for children and, secondly, because appropriate family environment usually generates equally appropriate attitudes towards education and associates skills. Th e expenses in education are signifi -cantly diff erent if we look at educational level and professional activities of bread-winners (Tables 2 and 3). In Table 2, the progression is self-evident, in that as we are increasing in the level of breadwinners’ level the expense in education becomes higher; similarly, in Table 3 we can observe how those professional activities that imply a higher level of education and training show a higher educational expense too. In both tables, this same rationale occurs in every column, except for the one related to Extra-curricular activities outside the center. Probably in this case the equilibrium derives from the fact that these kinds of activities are developed by children from all the social groups, irrespective of the economic or cultural situa-tion of the family.
Table 2. Average expense by student/user, on the basis of breadwinner training Formal education School lessons Extra-curricular activities in the center Extra-curricular activities outside the center Total 1.099 439 137 657 Primary or below 659 205 64 655 Secondary, 1st stage 782 217 70 624
Non-university upper studies 966 330 102 654
Secondary education,
2nd stage 1.260 541 162 632
University, 1st cycle 1.315 614 179 723
University, 2nd and 3rd cycle 1.883 935 334 692
Source: Survey about Home Expenses in Education 2007, National Statistics Institute.
Table 3. Average expense by student/user, on the basis of breadwinner activity
Formal education School lessons Extra-curricular activities in the center Extra-curricular activities outside the center Total 1.140 446 145 660 Management of companies
and public administrations 1.467 647 158 727
Professionals 1.606 774 268 669
Administrative employees and
services and trade workers 1.042 365 108 640
Professionals 820 229 90 650
Non-qualifi ed workers 590 141 64 495
Others 1.321 378 -
-Source: Survey about Home Expenses in Education 2007, National Statistics Institute. In a similar line, if we look at Table 4 we can observe how the number of books available at home remarkably diff ers on the ground of the diff erent educational levels, with an especially noticeable gap between individuals with University de-grees and without studies. If we look at the More than 100 books column, we can easily observe how as the educational level increases the fi gures become higher, whereas the contrary occurs in the column From 0 to 25 books. A similar value, in that it is related to reading habits so strongly connected with success in education, has the data we can fi nd in Table 5. Percentages turn out to be increasing as we are going up in the educational level in the case of interviewees that read newspapers
on a nearly daily basis; and the opposite occurs when it comes to columns related to extreme low frequency of reading of newspapers. Th is factor can be thought as a good indicator of propitiatory habits in off spring’s family settings.
Table 4. Persons by number of books at home, on the basis of highest educational level achieved. Percentage values
Total From 0 to 25 books From 26 to 100 books More than 100 books Total 100.00 28.56 34.99 35.29
First stage of secondary and
lower 100.00 39.97 36.82 21.39
Secondary 100.00 21.17 36.60 41.73
University 100.00 10.92 30.10 58.64
Source: Survey about Participation of Adult Population in Learning Activities (EADA 2007), National Statistical Institute.
Table 5. Persons by frequency of newspapers’ reading and highest educational level. Percentage values Total Nearly everyday At least once a week At least once a month Less than once a month Never No data Total 100.00 48.88 28.23 6.40 3.8.0 13.02 0.20 First stage of secondary and lower 100.00 38.35 28.78 7.97 5.11 19.47 0.28 Secondary 100.00 57.16 28.32 5.72 2.60 6.18 -University 100.00 61.99 27.07 3.70 2.03 5.00
-Source: Survey about Participation of Adult Population in Learning Activities (EADA 2007), National Statistical Institute.
In this frame of factors, public/private dualism is apt to be approached as an additional – but signifi cant factor. Comparing total percentages of respondents who studied in the diff erent types of educational centers with the corresponding percentages classifi ed by their highest educational level it is possible to fi nd sig-nifi cant remarks about the infl uence of the private/public dualism in the long term. In Table 6, we can look at the Medium University and Upper University columns and observe that percentages of state-owned primary education centers are sig-nifi cantly below the 70.0 corresponding to the row total. And the contrary happens
when it comes to interviewees who studied primary in private centers (irrespective if it was religious or lay).
Table 6. ‘Could you tell me in which type of school did you study primary education?’ Highest educational level by type of primary education center
Without studies Primary Secon-dary Vocatio-nal Medium University Upper University Do not answer Total (N) % % % % % % % % State-owned 57.1 84.2 75.8 71.2 59.4 57.1 80.0 70.0 (1114) Reli-gious 14.3 11.2 16.6 20.8 25.8 30.5 20.0 16.6 (244) Lay private – 4.3 7.3 8.1 12.5 9.5 - 6.5 (97) Other 28.6 – – – – – – 0.1 (9) No answer 28.6 – – – – – – 0.1 (2) TOTAL 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 (1466)
Source: Survey on Spanish Youth 2007, Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS).
Reasons for this diff erential achievement have – as far as our data are con-cerned- nothing to do with an intrinsically higher quality of teaching in private centres, but with sociological traits of students. In fact, students with less favourable educational conditions (mainly, immigrants, ethnic minorities, and marginal and rural populations) are more widely tended by state-owned centres, and, subse-quently, results from these groups are numerically refl ected in them. In the op-posite sense, students with the highest parents’ cultural background are statisti-cally more prone to be included in the most favourable social conditions off ered by private centres.
STUDY-BASED LABOUR MARKET POSITION
How could these years in contemporary Spain be defi ned when it comes to the role of cultural level in the labour market? We can say that we are not living in the at-mosphere of prosperity, sharp economic growth and, specially, full-employment that characterized human capital proponents’ years; on the contrary, Spanish pop-ulation has to live with certain degrees of unemployment –specially of what could be called qualifi ed unemployment, since the vast majority of the highly educated
work force does not wish to work in certain kinds of inappropriate jobs. It is pos-sible to talk, then, paraphrasing Th urow, about a ‘queue of qualifi ed employment’.
Th ough aforementioned Th urow’s viewpoint was originally referring to unem-ployment situations that stem from the 70s crises, it seems that he was, to a great extent, right – even for current times, given that high qualifi cations and educa-tional levels lose part of the value that was arising from an off er/demand mecha-nism. What becomes true is that in crisis a University qualifi ed worker could be in the same queue for subsidies as an illiterate one, but, even in these contexts, quali-fi ed work force will face the professional future with better prospects.
Table 7. ‘Do/did you work in civil service, in a public-owned company, in a private company, in a NGO or in home service?’
(questioned only to respondents who work, work and study or unemployed but having worked
before) Without studies Primary Secon-dary Vocatio-nal Medium University Upper University No answer TOTAL (N) % % % % % % % Civil service – 1.6 5.2 5.7 15.6 13.9 – 5.4 (50) Public company – 1.0 1.9 1.9 3.3 4.2 – 1.8 (179 Private company 75.0 92.0 85.8 91.0 73.3 79.2 100.0 87.8 (808) NGO – 0.3 0.6 0.5 1.1 – – 0.4 (4) Home service 25.0 3.9 5.8 1.0 5.6 1.4 – 3.6 (33) Others – – 0.6 – 1.1 1.4 – 0.3 (3) No answer – 1.3 – – – – – 0.5 (5) TOTAL 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 (920)
Source: Survey on Spanish Youth 2007, Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas (CIS). In this sense, if something can be considered as very especially defi ning Span-ish culture towards work, it is certainly the wSpan-ish to get a job in the public sector, as a consequence of the deep concern for stability that characterizes our attitudes when it comes to economic activity. Th at is why data in Table 7, from respondents aged 15–29, become particularly meaningful in relation to quality of life. In this sense, we would like to highlight how the level of studies predominant in the public sector (civil service and public-owned companies) is University ones – with a remarkable diff erence compared with private sector, moreover. Even in
underemployment cases, University studies become a way, in short, to get not only better incomes, but as well a more desirable position where stability has a major weight – which turns out to be a particularly decisive factor for a major-ity of job seekers.
Table 8. Population working 15 or more hours a week, by level of studies and degree of satisfaction at work in relation to incomes. ‘Satisfi ed…’ (%)
Not at all Minimally Little Fairly Very Fully NC
All 7.1 16.9 25.3 28.7 16.4 3.6 2.0 Primary, without studies 9.1 20.4 25.9 27.4 12.6 -3.1 -1.5 First level, secondary ed. 7.0 20.4 26.5 25.6 14.6 -3.2 -2.7 Vocational, fi rst grade -11.1 12.6 27.8 24.8 20.6 ** ** Upper vocational -5.7 14.4 30.9 27.2 16.7 ** ** Secondary, second level -6.2 12.6 29.3 28.7 16.3 -4.4 ** University, short cycle -7.2 9.0 23.7 35.2 19.4 -4.5 ** University, long cycle -3.7 17.3 15.4 35.1 20.8 -4.6 ** NC ** ** ** ** ** ** **
Source: Panel de hogares de la Unión Europea 2001, National Statistical Institute. Hyphen before fi gures indicates that the number of sample observations is between 20 and 49. If the number of sample observations is below 20, double asterisk is represented.
Specifi cally, then, for the particular Spanish contemporary work force, Univer-sity studies become a defensive weapon to face the search for a job, but Table 8 and Graph 1 shows how qualifi cations still work as a way to get comparatively more satisfying salaries. In table 8 we can observe that it is only in the case of the inter-viewees with upper University degrees where it is possible to fi nd levels of satisfac-tion that, adding the values in columns fairly…, very…, and fully satisfi ed, goes up to 60 per cent. Th e relevant point for the analysis is the row All; comparing these percentages with the ones in the diff erent educational layers it is possible to observe how higher achievement is overrepresented in higher satisfaction columns -and vice versa, low levels of study are underrepresented in satisfi ed columns and over-represented in dissatisfi ed. If we look at the graph, we fi nd a index that is established on a 100 points basis representing the average salary, which makes the comparison
more easily visible for international observers. According to the data, ‘upper Uni-versity’ qualifi ed workers get incomes nearly 50% over the average.
Graf 1. Employees by level and monthly salaries (index), 2001
Source: Panel de Hogares de la Unión Europea 2001/ INE.
4.
Conclusion: the influence of parents’ educational level
on children’s development
Th is paper was originally conceived as a means to put into words and fi gures how the educational level still behaves as the Ariadna’s thread that let us get out of the labyrinth of social circumstances. It is not possible to talk in rigour, as it is fre-quently done, of a determining eff ect of cultural level in intergenerational transmis-sions. We would rather talk about conditioning infl uences, in that all the fi gures in the tables and graphs above show how, in the fi rst step, parents’ cultural level has proved to aff ect children’s educational development and expectations, with a view in the role that the private/public dualism plays in this complex game.
Th is, in turn, becomes the way for diverse higher education degrees that, statis-tically speaking, have shown a positive eff ect on working activity, as much in rela-tion to incomes as in presence in the most envied sector of the Spanish economy. In particular, in spite of the depth of the social changes that have contributed to
100 0 20 40 60 80 100 120 140 160 P rima ry/wi tho u t st udies Se co n d ar y (1st le ve l) Vo ca ti o n al tr ai n in g (1st le ve l) Up p er v o ca ti o n al tr ai n in g Se co n d ar y (2nd le ve l) In ter m ed ia te Un iv . U p p er U n iv . T o ta l (b asis)
diminishing the gap between qualifi ed and non-qualifi ed work force – and, by and large, the social inequalities, it is possible to observe how highest educational levels – especially University ones still keep a comparatively privileged position in the labour market. Put another way, if we talk about statistical conditionings we em-phasize that social factors – and particularly parental educational background do not completely mould society newcomers’ working lives, although, with no doubt, they make it easier for the potter to outline the shape that has to be given to the pre-existing clay.
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Becker G., El capital humano. Un análisis teórico y empírico referido fundamentalmente a la
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