Continuity of martyrological
tradition in the works of st. Ambrose
of Milan as witnessed by his accounts
of the martyrdom of virgins
Kieleckie Studia Teologiczne 13, 27-38
K s . T a d e u s z G a c i a - K ie lc e - L u b lin
C
o n t i n u i t y o f m a r t y r o l o g i c a l t r a d i t i o n I N T H E W O R K S O F S T. A
M B R O S E O FM
I L A N A S W I T N E S S E D B Y H IS A C C O U N T S O F T H E M A R T Y R D O MO F V I R G I N S 1
St. A m brose (c. 340 -3 9 7 ) lived after the persecutions o f C hristians had already ended, therefore at a tim e w hen one could look at m artyrdom from a perspective. Earlier literary w itnesses dealing w ith the subject - acta mar-
tyrum an d p a s s io n e s - g ave w ay to leg en d s, vita e, and h ag io g ra p h ical
cycles. Fathers o f the C hurch often alluded to m artyrdom in their hom ilies2. It is also present in the w orks o f the bishop o f M ilan. M any such passages are accounts o f m artyrdom , found especially in his treatises on virginity, bu t not only there. A m ong Am b ro se’s descriptions one can find both threads that appear in C hristian literature for the first tim e3 and those th at clearly draw
1 The present paper refers to the issue of martyrdom in St. Ambrose’s works as discussed several years ago in other papers of ours, esp. Analiza funkcjonalna
stylu opisów męczeństwa dziewic w «De virginibus» św. Ambrożego, in: Powołanie i służba. Księga jubileuszowa ku czci Biskupa Mieczysława w 70 rocznicę urodzin,
ed. K. Gurda, T. Gacia, (Kielce 2000), 421-438. However, this study takes a new, diffe rent perspective on the issue. Vide also Reminiscencje z literatury klasycznej w opi
sach męczeństwa u św. Ambrożego, „Vox Patrum”, 18 (1998) 34-35, 199-207; Analiza hymnu «Agnes beatae virginis» św. Ambrożego, Vox Patrum, 19 (1999) 36-37, 259-270.
2 Cf. V. Saxer, Martirio. III. Atti, Passioni, Leggende, w: Dizionario patristico
e di antichita christiane, II, 2140-2149.
3 The first ever literary accounts o f the martyrdom of St. Agnes are found in De virginibus, 1,2,5-9; 1,4,19; De officiis ministrorum, 1,41,203; o f St. Lawrence’s martyrdom in De officiis ministrorum, 1,41,205-207; 2,28,140; Epistulae, 7,38; of the martyrdom of St. Agricola and Vitalis in Exhortatio virginitatis, 1, 1 -2,9; cf. F. Gori,
Introduzione, w: Sant’ Ambrogio. Opere morali II/I. Verginita e vedovanza. Introdu- zione, traduzione e indici, Roma 1989, SAEMO 14/I, 11-93 (note 7); cf. G. D. Gordini,
on earlier literary tradition. It is the latter that are discussed in this paper. It addresses the question how St. A m brose u sed earlier m artyrdom testim o nies in his w ork. The group o f testim onies o f our interest includes: the account o f the m artyrdom o f Thecla in D e virginibus 2,3,19-21, and passages m entio ning her in D e virginitate 7,40 and E p istulae extra collectionem traditae 14,34; description o f the m artyrdom o f an A ntiochian virgin in D e virginibus 2,4,22-33; m artyrdom o f Pelagia in Epistulae 7,36-38 and D e virginibus 3,7, 32-34; description o f the death o f a m other and daughters defending their virginity connected w ith the account o f P elag ia’s m artyrdom (description) in D e virginibus, 3,7,34. The description o f the m artyrdom o f Eleasar, M ac- cabbean brothers and their m other in D e Iacob et vita beata 2,10,43-12,57, w hich alludes to the descrip tions o f 2 and 4 M accabees, is n o t inclu ded in our analysis.
1. Thecla and virginitatis veneratio
A m brose m ust have draw n the inform ation about T hecla4 from the apo cryphal A cta P a u li et Theclae, included in th e A cta P a u li o f the second h a lf o f the second century5, m en tio n ed already by Tertullian6. A ccording to the apocryphon, T hecla m et Paul w hile he w as teaching in Iconium after he h ad fled from A ntioch. F ascinated by the A p o stle’s w ords, she abandoned T ham aris, to w hom she w as engaged. A s he could n o t com e to term s w ith
Vitale e Agricola, Bibliotheca sanctorum, 12, 1225. Also the earliest mentions of the martyrs Gervasius and Protasius are Ambrose’s (at a letter to his sister Marce line - Epistulae 77). In earlier literature there are neither any references to the martyr dom o f Soteris (a relative of Ambrose’s), mentioned in De virginibus 3,7,37-38 and in Exhortatio virginitatis 12,82-83. The authorship of the hymn about St. Agnes -
Agnes beatae virginis - and St. Lawrence - Apostolorum supparem, ascribed to
Ambrose, is difficult to establish, esp. considering the first one; cf. G. Banterle, Intro-
duzione, in: Opera omnia di Sant«Ambrogio. Inni, incrizioni, frammenti, ed. G. Ban
terle, G. Biffi, L. Migliavacca, Milano-Roma 1994,11-18.
4 It regards Thecla of Iconium mentioned in Martyrologium S. Hieronymi under the date September 23rd: „IX Kal. Oct. In Seleucia, natalis sanctae Teclae martyris; cf. Vies des SS., vol. 1, Paris 1935, 477-481; cf. also U. M. Fasola, Tecla, Bibliotheca
sanctorum, 12, 174.176-177.
5 Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha, ed. R. A. Lipsius - M. Bonnet, Lipsiae 1891, 235-272.
6 De baptismo 17: „Quodsi quae acta Pauli quae perperam scripta sunt [exemplum Theclae] ad licentiam mulierum docendi tinguendique defendunt, sciant in Asia pres- byterum qui eam scripturam construxit quasi titulo Pauli de suo cumulans convictum atque confessum id se amore Pauli fecisse loco decessisse”.
the loss o f his bride, Tham aris caused Paul to stand trial before governor C astelios. Paul w as accused o f forbidding virgins to m arry and im prisoned. Thecla m anaged to get to him anyw ay and kep t listening to his teachings. T h erefo re P aul w as b ro u g h t to trial, and T hecla, p ro c la im e d a strum p et w ho abandoned her fiancé w as sentenced (at the urging o f her own m other) to b e b u rn ed at the stake in the theater. M iraculo usly rescued , she w ent in search o f Paul, w ho had been expelled from the city. Paul sent her to A n tioch, w here - having rejected love o f an A lexander, she w as sentenced to be devoured by w ild beasts. Several attem pts to k ill her in this m anner during the gam es organized by A lexander, failed: no beast, neither lions, no r bears, no r bulls w ould as m uch as touch the girl. The gam es w ere closed and Thecla, having received baptism in a rather bizarre w ay (she ju m p ed into a pit full o f w ater), w ent o ff again to search for Paul. She found him in M yra, w hence she w ent to Iconium (w here she converted h er m other), then she w ent to Seleucia w here for several decades she lived a life o f penance. F inally she w ent to Rom e w here she did no t find Paul alive. A fter she died, she was buried near her teacher.
C om pared to the apocryphal story, Amb ro se’s account is shorter and m ore dram atic, adding a few details w hich w ere not included in the ancient version7. The long story o f how T hecla abandoned Tham aris (w hich according to A cta w as the reason o f h er sentence), is sum m arized in one sentence:
Thecla doceat immolari, quae copulam fugiens nuptialem et sponsi furore dam- nata naturam bestiarum virginitatis veneratione mutavit (De virginibus, 2,3,19). N ext he rem arks that m en looking lecherously at the virgin throw n to (be eaten by) the beasts, started averting their eyes from h er in sham e. There is an effective antithesis in this sentence, form ed by the w ords: im pudicos -
pu d ico s:
Namque parata ad praedas, cum aspectus quoque declinaret virorum ac vitalia ipsa saevo offerret leoni, fecit ut qui impudicos detulerant oculos pudicos refer rent (ibidem, 2,3,19).
(A fter that there is an even m ore shocking m o tif included by Am brose: even the lions avert their eyes, looking at the ground, in order not to see the naked virgin)
... demersis in terram oculis tamquam verecundantibus, ne mas aliquis vel bestia virginem nudam videret (ibidem, 2,3,20).
A m brose develops this them e further in another text. Lions avert their eyes, because even looking at Thecla m ight violate the sanctity o f her virginity:
Quo munere autem venerabilis Tecla etiam leonibus fuit ut ad pedes praedae suae stratae impastae bestiae sacrum deferrent ieiunium nec procaci oculo virginem nec ungue violarent aspero, quoniam et ipso aspectu virginitatis violatur sancti-tas (Epistulae extra collectionem traditae, 14,34).
Such m otifs are no t to be found in A cta P au li et Theclae. H ow ever, there are som e elem ents com m on to both accounts. The ancient apocryphon reads that the beasts w ere led in a procession, that T hecla w as tied to a dangerous lioness w hich licked her feet (Acta P auli et Theclae 28), that the follow ing day Thecla w as throw n out on the stadium and lions and bears w ere set out on her, w hile a w ild lioness lay dow n at h er feet (Acta P auli et Theclae, 33). A ll anim als set on Thecla m oved as i f in a dream and did no t touch the virgin
(Acta P auli et Theclae, 35). These vivid scenes described in the apocryphal
docum ent can also be found in A m b ro se’s w ork, w ho pu t them , however, m ore succintly:
Cernere erat lingentem pedes bestiam cubitare humi, muto testificantem sono quod sacrum virginis corpus violare non posset [...]. Videres [...] bestiam exoscu- lantem pedes virginis docere quid homines facere deberent. [...] Docuerunt casti- tatem dum virgini nihil aliud nisi plantas exosculantur (De virginibus, 2,3,20).
It is w orth noting that A m brose m entions three tim es that the lions licked, or even kissed, T hecla’s feet, w hereas the apocryphon refers to it only once
(A cta P a u li e t Theclae, 28). M oreover, the p ictu re o f th e lio n ess lying
at T hecla’s feet is com m on to both accounts (Acta P auli et Theclae 33 and
D e virginibus 2,3,20). M ost im portantly, w e m ust note th at T hecla’s naked
ness is m entioned in both docum ents. It appears tw ice in A cta P au li et Thec
lae (33-34), but in the apocryphon T h ecla’s (nudity) nakedness is covered
by a cloud o f fire (34), w hile in A m brose’s (w riting) text even anim als dare not look at her being naked: ,,ne bestia virginem nudam videret” ( D e virginibus 2,3,20); „nec procaci oculo virginem ... violarent” (Epistulae extra collectio
nem traditae, 14,34). A m brose also refers to an episode described in Acta P auli et Theclae, in w hich bulls w ere stim ulated by red-hot chains to tear
apart Thecla w ho w as tied in betw een them (35):
Non impastos cibus flexit, non citatos impetus rapuit, non stimulatos ira exa- speravit, non usus decepit adsuetos, non feros natura possedit (De virginibus 2,3,20).
The b rie f com parison o f the tw o texts leads to the conclusion that A m bro se m ust have know n A cta P auli et Theclae. O ut o f a colorful and extensive apocryphal story Am brose included in his account elements dealing with Thecla’s persecution, em phasizing and developing the them e o f chastity and virginal m odesty. T his p ra c tic e is c o n n e cted w ith th e lite ra ry co n tex t in w h ich
A m brose placed allusions to the apocryphon as w ell as his obj ective for writing
D e virginibus. W hile A cta P auli et Theclae em phasized rather the m arty r
dom o f the title heroine, A m brose underlined the bon d betw een m artyrdom and virginity, or rather the other w ay round - he presented virginity as the w ay w hich prepares som eone to accept m artyrdom . He expressed it concisely in another place:
Non enim ideo laudabilis virginitas, quia in martyribus repperitur, sed quia ipsa martyres faciat (De virginibus 1,3,10).
A t a tim e w hen there w as no longer an opportunity to shed o n e’s blood in sacrifice, A m brose argued that virgin ity representing p rin cip a lis virtus (D e virginibus 1,3,10) is the crow ning achievem ent o f a perfect life (said th a t the crow ning achievem en t o f a p erfec t life is v irg in ity representin g
p rin cip a lis virtus (De virginibus 1,3,10).) A ccording to him , i f th ere still
w as m artyrdom , it w ould be virginity that w ould constitute the w ay to it and the strength to accept it. In the sentence quoted above this is expressed by the use o f modus coniunctivus (quotation it is expressed by the usage o f modus
c o n iu n c tiv u s). F or th is reaso n te llin g the sto ry o f T h e c la ’s p ersecu tio n,
A m brose em phasizes virginitatis veneratio (D e virginibus 2,3,19) m ore than her m artyrdom as such.
2. Antiochian virgin - aut sacrificare autprostitui
L et us take a closer look at another m artyrdom account w hich is also included in D e virginibus - the story o f a v irg in ’s m artyrdom in A ntioch (2,4, 22-33). A lso in this case A m brose draw s on ancient sources. His story m ay be collated w ith the p a ssio o f D idym us and Theodora o f A lexandria. The
p a ssio is w ell preserved in two editions, G reek and Latin, in the A cta SS. D idym i et Theodorae virginis8. A m b ro se’s version exhibits m any sim ilarities
to the earlier w ork, by there are also fundam ental differences. Firstly, in A cta the protagonists are nam ed (D idym us and Theodora). Secondly, the action takes place in A lexandria, and no t in A ntioch. In A m b ro se’s version the h ero ine is a virgin from A ntioch and she, as w ell as the soldier rescuing her, rem ain anonym ous. A m brose passes over her questioning, w hich - according to A cta
8 Cf. A. Galuzzi, Teodora i Didimo, in: Bibliotheca sanctorum, 12, 227. This paper is based on the Latin version: Acta SS. Didymi et Theodorae virginis published in Acta martyrum P. Theodorici Ruinart opera ac studio collecta selecta atque illu-
strata, Ratisbonae 1859, 428-432; cf. F. Gori, 183, note 61: „F quasi certo che si tratta,
invece, di Teodora di Alessandria, la cui passione e narrata negli Acta proconsularia (AA.SS. aprilis 3, pp. 573)”.
SS. D idym i a n d T heodorae virginis is p erform ed by the cu rato r civitatis
o f A lex a n d ria (1-3). In the story on w h ich A m b rose draw s, T h e o d o ra ’s conduct during the questioning causes her to be sentenced to a brothel (meri-
torium). The A c ta ’s story does no t include the internal m onologue o f the p ro
tagonist; there is also no account o f her return to the place w here the soldier w ho re sc u e d h e r w as to be m a rty re d ; th e re is no riv a lry for th e p alm o f m artyrdom betw een the tw o protagonists; w h at is there, is the description o f the m artyrdom itself. D espite the differences m entioned w e can discern com m on features in both texts, especially in the use o f (esp. w hen it comes to the occurrence) o f the sam e im ages and m etaphors. In b o th accounts the virgin is called ew e and dove, w hereas those w ho threaten her chastity are haw ks and wolves:
Turbae vero circumspiciebant sicut lupi, quis prior intraret ad agnam Dei, aut certe sicut accipiter circa columbam (Acta SS. Didymi et Theodorae 4).
Clauditur intus columba, strepunt accipitres foris, certant singuli, qui praedam primus invadat (De virginibus 2,4,27).
A n o th er com m on m o tif is the h e ro in e ’s prayer. In A cta SS. D id ym i
et Theodorae the im prisoned v irg in ’s prayer is concise and m entions only
P eter’s m iraculous liberation from prison:
Pater Domini nostri Iesu Christi, adiuva me et libera de meritorio hoc, qui adiuvisti Petrum cum esset in carcere, educ me sine macula hinc: ut omnes videant, qu- oniam tua sum ancilla (4).
In A m b ro se’s account the heroine also prays, b u t she m entions other exam ples o f G o d ’s m iraculous interventions in defense o f the oppressed found in the Sciptures, and com petes her prayer w ith these words: „B enedicatur et nunc nom en tuum , u t quae ad adulterium veni, virgo discedam ” (De virgini
bus 2,4,27). H ow ever, the entrance o f the soldier w ho w ants to rescue the
prisoner is described sim ilarly in both texts:
Nam de timentibus Dominum fratribus unus [...] induit se militari habitu [...]. Intravit ad eam utpote unus de sceleratis. At illa cum vidisset, habitu peregrino turbata, circumfugiebat per angulos (Acta 4).
Vix compleverat precem, et ecce vir militis specie terribilis irrupit. Quaemadmodum eum virgo timuit, cui populus tremens cessit! (De virginibus 2,4,28).
The soldier explains to the frightened w om an the aim o f his com ing. It is again sim ilar in both accounts. He says:
Non sum quem vides; deforis, inquit, sum lupus, intrinsecus autem agnus ... Noli inspicere vestimenta mea adversa: frater enim voluntate cum sim tuus, in diabolicis vestimentis ingressus sum, ut te hinc possem liberare (4).
Amb ro se’s version reads as follows: „P otest et in hoc lupi h abitu ovis latere” (these w ords belong to the inner m onologue o f the virgin). A nd later:
Cui miles: „Ne quaeso paveas, soror. Frater huc veni salvare animam, non perdere. Serva me, ut ipsa serveris. Quasi adulter ingressus, si vis, martyr egrediar” (De
virginibus 2,4,28-29).
W hat strikes us m ost, is the sim ilarity, indeed alm ost identity o f the key w ords in the so ld ier’s offer: „M utem us vestem ” (Acta 4) and „Vestim enta m utem us” (De virginibus 2,4,29). We find lexical resem plances also in the scene w here the tw o exchange clothes:
Accipiens itaque virgo habitum militis capiti imposuit depresso pileum. Hoc enim antea providerat, ut quasi vereretur populum, quia prior ausus fuerat introire. Et praecepit ei ut deorsum respiceret et nulli loqueretur (Acta 5).
Sume pileum - mówi żołnierz u św. Ambrożego - qui tegat crines, abscondat ora: solent erubescere qui lupanar intraverint. Sane cum egressa fueris, ne respicias retro, memor uxoris Loth ... (De virginibus2,4,29).
A nother com m on feature is the im age o f the virgin floating as i f on wings after she w as freed from the brothel:
Accipiens itaque virgo habitum militis [...] cum exisset elevavit alas suas ad caelum ab ore accipitris liberata et ab ore leonis abstracta (Acta 5).
Mutato habitu evolat puella de laqueo, iam non suis alis, utpote quae spiritalibus ferebatur ... (De virginibus 2,4,30).
Finally, let us note the striking sim ilarity o f both texts as they describe the am azem ent o f one o f the lechers having designs on the v irgin’s chastity as he saw a m an instead o f a w om an (who had left the house dressed (up) as a soldier):
Quidam ingressus est ex istis et invenit pro virgine virum et stupefactus intrare dixit: putas et virgines in viros demutat Iesus? Qui enim intraverat exivivit et dixit: quis est qui sedet? Ubi est quae inclusa est virgo? Audiebam quoniam demutavit aquam in vinum et fabulam existimabam id quod facilius erat: nunc autem quod maius est video, quoniam in virum demutavit virginem, et timeo ne me demutet in mulierem (Acta 5).
Unus qui erat immodice districtior introivit. Sed ubi hausit oculis rei textum „quid hoc, inquit, est? Puella ingressa est, vir videtur [...]. At etiam audieram et non credideram, quod aquas Christus in vina convertit: iam mutare coepit et sexus. Recedamus hinc, dum adhuc qui fuimus sumus” (De virginibus 2,4,31).
The reference to Jesus turning w ater into w ine m ade by the b ro th el’s shocked client quoted in both accounts clearly show s th at A m brose m akes use o f A cta SS. D idym i et Theodorae virginis.
To sum up, there are clear sim ilarities (it needs to be pointed out that there are very clear sim ilarities) betw een A m bro se’s account and the second part o f A cta SS. D idym i et T heodorae (4-6). F. G ori is rig ht to state that w e do no t know w hether A m brose had at his disposal only the second part o f the acts and a short sum m ary o f the first one or w hether he could use both parts, b u t used only the second one9. The elem ent added by A m brose is the virgin’s m onologue representing, from rhetorical perspective, an effective lite rary illustration o f the difficult choice the w om an faces, created w ith the use o f m any biblical m otifs. Such m onologues taking place in a protagonist’s soul can be found also in other stories by A m brose. A cta say nothing o f the v irg in ’s return to the place o f the so ld ier’s m artyrdom and com peting w ith him for death. Perhaps, as G ori claim s, this elem ent w as taken by A m brose from an oral tradition10. I f so, A m brose gives it a stylistic form o f his own. However, it is difficult to rule out the possibility that the scene is A m brose’s own addition to the account.
The story o f a virgin in a brothel should also be collated w ith a hom ily by E usebius o f E m esa11. E ntitled D e matre et duabus <filiabus> m artyribus w as preserved in L atin12. One part o f it (19) tells the story o f tw o people: a soldier and a virgin, w hich is alm ost identical w ith the story included in D e
virginibus. However, it is set in A lexandria - like in A cta SS. D idym i et The odorae, bu t it is restricted only to the happenings taking place in the brothel.
B oth tex ts agree w h en it com es to p a rtic u la r elem ents o f th e p lo t, i.e.: the com ing o f the soldier, the v irg in ’s fear, exchanging clothes, as w ell as the m etap h o rs used: c o lu m b a , o v is , lu p i, a c c ip itr e s, an d th e re se m b la n c e s betw een w hat the protagonists say, eventually to the last w ords o f the homily, in w hich E usebius expresses the shock o f th e clien t d iscov erin g a m ale in the brothel:
Ego quidem audiebam, sed non credebam quia praesens Christus aquam ad vi- num transtulit; nunc autem et maiorem admirationem intueor: video enim virginem ad virum translatam et stupeo (De matre et duabus filiabus martyribus, 19). One m ay suppose that both authors, Eusebius o f E m esa and the bishop o f M ilan, knew A cta or at least their second part. There m ight have existed also other texts describing m artyrdom o f a virgin and a soldier, unknow n to us. A m brose could have had them at his disposal and m ight have used them freely
9 Cf. F. Gori, 85. 10 Ibidem.
11 On Eusebius of Emesa cf. M. Simonetti, Eusebio di Emesa, in: Dizionario
patristico e di antichita Christiane, 1, 1294-1295.
12 Analecta Bollandiana, 38, Bruxelles-Paris 1920, 263-284 together with the in troduction by A. Wilmart, Le souvenir souvenir d’Eusebe dEmese, 241-262.
w hen w riting on virginity - as it w as suggested by A. W ilm art in his com pari son o f the hom ily o f Eusebius and the quoted fragm ent o f D e virginibus13.
3. Pelagia - si nolunt licere, moriamur
The m artyrdom o f P elagia is another account by A m brose containing references to earlier literature. The bishop tells its story tw ice. In an extended notice in E pistula 7,36-38 he gives only general inform ation - P elagia dies voluntarily, defending h er virginity from persecutors. M ore can be found in D e virginibus 3,7,32-34. A ccording to it, Pelagia w as nearly 15 years old, living in A ntioch, and her sisters w ere virgins like her. W hen the persecution started, her m other and sisters w ere absent, and she locked h e rse lf at hom e, ready to defend her chastity. A fter a terrible spiritual fight, narrated by A m brose in the form o f an inner m onologue o f the virgin, Pelagia decided con sciously and out o f her free w ill to kill h erself - being convinced th at the faith she w as guided by w ill w ipe out her offence. For the m om ent o f her death she adorned her hair and pu t on a w edding dress as i f she (w ere going to m eet her bride-groom . We can guess the m anner o f her death only from A m bro se’s introduction to the story w here he states that som e virgins threw them selves dow n from a m ountain in order no t to be caught by persecutors - ,,qui se praecipitavere ex alto” (De virginibus 3,7,32) - and from vague w ords P elagia addresses to h e rs e lf in the soul: „Iam enim sacrilegas aras p ra ecip itata su b v ertam ” (3 ,7,33). A m b ro se co n n ected th e acco u n t about P elagia w ith a longer story o f the death o f a m other and daughters w ho w ere defending their chastity. From D e virginibus 3,7,34 one can infer that it w ere the m other and sisters o f Pelagia. It seem s th at A m brose used short infor m ation included by Eusebius o f C esarea in his H istoria ecclesiastica:
Iam vero ea quae apud Antiochiam gesta sunt, quid opus est in memoriam revocare? ... Ex quibus nonnulli periculum vitantes, priusquam caperentur,et in insidiatorum manus inciderent, ex sublimibus tabulatis praecipites se dede- runt, propter impiorum malitiam mortem lucro deputantes (8,12,2).
This inform ation is follow ed directly by the account o f the m other and daughters w ho in defense o f their chastity drow ned them selves in a river. N either o f the authors gives their nam es. Eusebius claim s they lived in A n tioch, w hile A m brose w rites about A ntioch as the birthplace o f Pelagia. The direct proxim ity o f the account on the sam e topic in the w ritings o f both authors suggests that Eusebius o f C esarea is the bishop o f M ilan’s source. In the hom ily o f Eusebius o f Em esa there is only a b rie f notice about Pelagia:
„Ita igitur beata Pelagia fuit ipsa sibi ovis et sacerdos, offerens utpote seme- tip sa m ” (D e m atre ed duabus < filiabus> m a rtyrib u s, 282). It is p lace d betw een a fragm ent about an im prisoned virgin and the conclusion th at tells the story o f the death in the river o f a m other and her daughters. A lso this neighb ouring p osition o f the story m akes us conclude th at it is Eusebius o f C esarea that all the later authors draw on regarding this account.
4. Mother and her daughters - aqua, quae virgines facit
As m entioned above, the story o f Pelagia in D e virginibus is connected to the account o f the death o f the m other and her daughters - thought to be P elagia’s sisters (3,7,34-36):
Ast ubi detestandi persecutores ereptam sibi viderunt praedam pudoris, matrem et sorores coeperunt quaerere (3,7,34).
E usebius o f C esarea connects the tw o episodes by (the) inform ation about the m o th er’s noble origin, beauty o f her daughters and the rules o f C hri stian upbringing instilled in them:
Quaedam etiam sanctissima femina, et ob animi fortitudinem admirabilis, opibus ac splendore generis, bonaque in primis fama Antiochiae percelebris, quae duas filias virgines, corporis forma et aetatis flore praestantes, Christianae religionis praeceptis instituerat (8,12,3).
N e x t he p asse s to (the) an ac co u n t o f th e ir d eath. W hen th e circle o f soldiers lying in w ait against C hrstian w o m en ’s purity closed about them, the m other presented h er daughters w ith the only option left to them , w hich according to her w as the escape to the Lord, th at is - in this case - killing them selves in defense o f th eir virginity. Thus, the m o th er and daughters w alk into the river and drow n them selves voluntarily:
Idem omnes consilium amplexae, cum ad medium itineris pervenissent, veniam a militibus petunt, ut tantisper de via deflectere sibi liceret. Quo impetrato, compo- sitis honeste ac decenter vestibus, in praefluentem se fluvium coniecerunt. Et hae quidem semetipsas submerserunt (8,12,4).
The C esarean h isto rian ’s account is very concise. It does no t include the nam es o f the m other and daughters. The tex t is sim ple, lacking rhetorical decorations. A m ore elaborated versio n can be found in th e pan egy rical hom ily by Eusebius o f Em esa, m entioned above. R eading it, one encounters a fragm ent very distinctly corresponding w ith the story by the bishop o f M ilan, especially the them e o f baptism encountered there. Therefore let us com pare the tw o texts. A m brose writes:
Quid veremur?, inquiunt, ecce aqua: quis nos baptizari prohibet? Et hoc baptisma est, quo peccata donantur, regna quaeruntur. Et hoc baptisma est, post quod nemo delinquit. Excipiat nos aqua, quae regenerare consuevit, excipiat nos aqua, quae virgines facit, excipiat nos aqua, quae caelum aperit, infirmos tegit, mortem abscondit, martyres reddit (De virginibus 3,7,34).
W hereas Eusebius o f E m esa describes it in follow ing words:
Et dixit mater ad filias secundum vocem boni illius eunuchi: „Filiae, ecce aqua: quis prohibet nos coronari? Haec est aqua per quam liberatae sumus a peccatis. Reddamus ei qui donavit gratiam. Gratiam per aquam accepimus; sit gratia pro gratia. Per aquam salvatae sumus; per aquam et coronemur” (De matre ed dua-
bus <filiabus> martyribus, s. 16).
On the basis o f the quoted passages it is im possible to reach a definite conclusion that A m brose drew on Eusebius o f Em esa, b u t it is also difficult to rule out such a p ossibility. It is h o w ev er in disp u tab le th a t a com m on b ac k g ro u n d for both o f th em w as the sto ry o f the A cts o f the A po stles 8:25-39 about the E thiopian courtier w ho w as b aptized in som e w ater by the road. T he sen ten ce: „E cce aqua; q u id p ro h ib e t m e b a p tiz a ri? ” is cited by A m brose alm ost w ord for w ord - he changes only the personal pronoun
m e to nos. Eusebius o f Em esa paraphrases the sentence changing baptizari
into coronari. B oth E u sebius o f E m esa and A m b ro se d ev elo p E usebius o f C esarea’s account, adorning it and adding som e p an e g y rical features to it - w hich is probably the effect o f an oral tradition always leading in such a direction14.
Incidentally, it is w orth noting that A m brose sees no problem w ith the kind o f death chosen by the C hristian w om en in order to save their chastity. On the contrary, recalling the story o f the young virgins w ho caused their own death, the author o f D e virginibus presents it as an exam ple o f m artyrdom : „cum m arty rii exstet exem plum ” (3,7,32); „quas ad m artyrium iun xerat” (3,7,36). A ugustine w ill be o f a different opinion, strongly obj ecting to the sanc tioning o f voluntary suicide, claim ing that those w ho com m ited it, perhaps deserve adm iration, bu t the greater pow er o f the spirit is m anifested by those w ho do not run aw ay from life, bu t are capable o f enduring the hardships o f it15.
(trans. Agnieszka Piskozub-Piwosz)
14 Cf. Vies des SS., vol. 1, Paris 1935, 78-79.
15 Augustinus, De civitate Dei I 22,1. On suicide cf. also e.g. Idem, Epistulae 4; 185,12; 204; Depatientia 11,9-10; In Ioannis Evangelium tractatus 51,10. The issue is discussed in T. Gacia, Lukrecja - ,,dux Romanae pudicitiae” czy ,,mulier laudis
S t r e s z c z e n i e
Cią g ł o ś ćt r a d y c j im a r t y r o l o g ic z n e j u św. Am b r o ż e g oz Me d i o l a n u
n a PRZYKŁADZIE OPISÓW MĘCZEŃSTWA DZIEWIC
Motyw męczeństwa jest obecny w bardzo wielu utworach św. Ambrożego. Naj więcej tego rodzaju treści znajduje się pismach podejmujących tematykę dziewictwa. Są to rozbudowane literacko opisy męczeństwa dziewic, w zamierzeniu biskupa Medio lanu stanowiące zachętę do ubiegania się o męczeństwo duchowe w epoce, gdy ustały już prześladowania. Wśród tych opisów można znaleźć wątki, które u św. Ambrożego spotyka się pierwszy raz w historii literatury chrześcijańskiej oraz takie, które wyraźnie nawiązują do wcześniejszych świadectw literackich. W opracowaniu mówi się o tych drugich. Aby odpowiedzieć na pytanie, w jaki sposób biskup Mediolanu z owych świadectw korzysta, autor artykułu poddaje szczegółowej analizie kilka opisów mę czeństwa, zawartych głównie w traktatach o dziewictwie. Z analizy wyciąga wniosek o ciągłości tradycji martyrologicznej w starożytnej literaturze chrześcijańskiej.
Key words: martyrdoom, St. Ambrose of Milan, virgin
Słowa kluczowe: św. Ambroży, męczeństwo, dziewictwo
Ks. dr hab. Tadeusz GACIA - ur. w 1961 r. we Włoszczowie, prezbiter diecezji
kieleckiej, wyświęcony w 1986 r.; dr hab. nauk humanistycznych w zakresie litera turoznawstwa - literatura rzymska; adiunkt w katedrze literatury wczesnochrześcijań skiej Instytutu Filologii Klasycznej KUL w Lublinie, wykładowca jęz. łacińskiego i greckiego w WSD w Kielcach. Ostatnie publikacje: ,,Breviarium fid e i”. Wybór dok
trynalnych wypowiedzi Kościoła, red. I. Bokwa, oprac. I. Bokwa, T. Gacia, S. Laskow
ski, H. Wojtowicz, Poznań 2007; T. Gacia, Metaforyka agonistyczna w literaturze
łacińskiej chrześcijańskiego antyku, Kielce 2007; Topos „locus amoenus” w łaciń skiej poezji chrześcijańskiego antyku, VoxP 28 (2008), t. 52, s. 187-198.
