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"MANAGING KNOWLEDGE
FOR DESIGN,
PLANNING
AND DECISION
MAKING "
Dr Ir W.F. Schut and Prof Drs C.
w. w.
van Lohuizen
)
editors
Published and distributed by:
Delft University Press Stevinweg 1 2628 eN Delft The Netherlands Telephone: (0) 15-783254 Telefax: (0)15-781661 By order of" EFL-Stichting ISBN 90-6275-645-X, CIP Î
Copyright ©1990 by Delft University Press
No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means without written permis sion from Delft University Press.
"MANAGING KNOWLEDGE
FOR DESIGN, PLANNING AND DECISION MAKING "
Dr Ir
W.F. Schut and Prof. Drs C. W. W. van Lohuizen
editors
Van Eesteren-Fluck & Van Lohuizen Stichting (EFL) Lange Voorhout 86, apt. 22, 2514 EJ The Hague
The Netherlands
Editoria1 1
This book contributes to the understanding of the role of reflection, knowledge and research in design, planning and decision making. It advocates innovation and suggests ways both of de-professionalizing and of re-de-professionalizing in order to adapt the arts of designing, planning and decision making to new issues, solutions and requirements.
The contents will convey this message, however, only to the reader who will adopt an open mind. The book tends to be innovative, but it does not do so in a spectacular way. Although it does not offer clear-cut measures, methods, theories and paradigms it does stimulate and sometimes inspires to adopt new avenues of mind.
The book is the result of an essay competition organized on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the birth of one of the founders of modern town planning in the Netherlands, Theodoor Karel VAN LOHUIZEN (1890 - 1956).
The competition was organized by the VAN EESTEREN-FLUCK & VAN LOHUIZEN STICHTING, the EFL-Foundation, named after Van Eesteren and Van Lohuizen who we re close colleagues for more than twenty-five years. The Foundation also sponsors the book. The Foundation was established by Prof. Cornelis VAN EESTEREN (1897 -1988) in 1975.
One of the objectives of the Foundation is " .. the promotion and development of town planning, landscape architecture and architecture inspired by the work of Van Eesteren and Van Lohuizen". One of the cornerstones in the work and philosophy of Van Lohuizen was the concept of the unity of town planning. His contribution to the concept was its philosophy and practice in general and the role of enquiry and research in particular. An academic lecture by him on the subject is included in this book.
Van Lohuizen used the concept of unity in town planning in different ways.
First, he stated the need for designers, surveyors, engineers and policy makers to cooperate: continuously to take part in each other's work: "a perpetual interplay between the reflection on what is being perceived and observed, and the creative power of the artist".
Second, there is a need of integrating the disciplines which play a role in town planning projects, relating to "the great diversity by which town planning is characterized today"; it is interesting to reflect on whether it is integration of the outcomes of each discipline or even of the individual research processes.
Third, he pointed out the need for a continuous interaction of intuition and knowledge as both are basic components of the town planning exercise, in design as well as in research ! In mutual interaction the application of intuition and knowledge leads to "a constantly deeper insight and understanding of the matter. The plan gradually matures". Thus the planning team cooperates "to coordinate the knowIedge, talents and insight of these individuals as if they we re united in one person".
He was convinced of the fa ct that there should be built a bridge between creative aesthetic design and rational scientific research to enable them to cooperate for their common goal: "to make the Netherlands after some decades attractive to live in for all inhabitants".
The concept of unity in town planning, and even in policy making in general, is hardly practised nowadays. Times have changed, the world, both society at large and local and regional entities like cities and regions, have become more complex. Notwithstanding the progress in research methodology and the increasing amount of information (sometimes too
1 This text makes use of materials produced by Ir Hans Jacobs (MICRO CONSULTANCY, Eindhoven) for the setting up of the essay competion and texts by
large to manage !) it proves hard to cope with this complexity in terms of the knowledge system.
This is the reason why the EFL-Foundation has taken the initiative for these essays to be written. Anyone was invited to submit two pages of text of a proposal for an essay on the central theme of
New models in conducting and applying research for design, planning and decision making:
How to promote a well-balanced judgment process, as well as efficient planning and decision making
by the handling, management and transformation of data, information, knowledge and insight through re{lection, research and experience.
More than thirty proposals were submitted. As per the rules of the competition five proposals were selected and the authors invited to submit a fuU paper along the same lines. Along with these two more authors were requested to work out their essay along lines indicated by the jury of the competition. The competition does not include any further selection.
Before presenting the essays we may try and understand the theme and the way of looking at it somewhat closer.
Complexity of the context apart even in themselves the processes of design, planning and decision making are rather complex activities. GeneraUy various people with different backgrounds, ideologies and responsibilities are involved, and most of the time many different interests are at stake.
Knowledge represents in fact one of the elementary inputs of design, planning and decision making. In this context knowledge must be considered as a complex aggregate including intuition and experience. Or as put in the wording of the theme above: knowledge in the wider sense may refer to data, information, knowledge proper, insighUunderstanding, judgment, leading to decisions.
Knowledge may be understood as a systematically produced result by certain methods handling data etc., conducted within the framework of design, planning and decision making (or in more general terms related to the problems raised within these processes. Or put in a different way, information is based on data and subsequently processed into knowIedge, knowledge is used to get insight, and the whole results in judgments before decisions are made.
Knowledge production, however, does not result straightaway into utilization. The utilization of knowledge depends on numerous factors, related to the place of knowledge elements within the complex aggregate of knowIedge, intuition and experience, as weIl as to the specific characteristics of the processes of design, planning and decision making. One has come to understand that knowledge input not just follows automatically from research activities but depends on various different factors.
Or viewed from another angle: the handling or management of the knowledge input. In processes of design, planning and decision making available knowIedge, information and insight often is not dealt with in the most adequate way. This may result into unbalanced judgments and thus into inaccurate decisions because they have not been given enough consideration and reflection.
One of the roots of these problems is to be found in research itself. Quite some research - even policy research which is expected to be utilization focused - often does not offer an appropriate basis for utilization in design, planning or decision making.
Knowledge systems should be operational in the right form; right from two angles: the methodologïcal requirements and the utilization requirements. The former refers to internal quality, the latter to extern al effectiveness.
The issue, however, is not only the how and when of the input of knowledge into the utilization
system (design, planning, decision making); the responsibilities do not end there. The knowledge put into the process of design, planning or decision making continues its way through the process; in this so-called 'through-put' knowledge experts are required. The same
goes for the results or output. The way to handle this complex whole may be summarized as
reflection, in many forms including research, intuition and experience.
Therefore 'knowledge-for-use' and 'knowledge-in-use', in this view, are extremely complex aggregates of knowIedge, reflection and intuition, of experience and action.
In this situation the professional field seems to have lost track. The increasing complexity of planning problems and the political contexts from which they arise, have contributed to an evident decline of inspiring and imaginative perspectives, together with the successive division of town planning into fragmented fields and routinized procedures. It is widely recognized that this approach is likely to represent a dead-end street in the long run. Future planning problems more than ever require a revival of both the ideas and ideals of Th.K. van Lohuizen. The solutions for the severe problems faced by researchers, designers, planners and politicians not only require more adequate research and a better handling of the 'knowledge household' but also demand more boldness and creativeness. However, without a renewed approach to the way of organizing the work it will be fruitless. New forms of cooperation among all those involved in the planning process have to be developed along with an increased interaction among presently specialized fields of planning.
Over time the relationship of the two 'worlds' of reflection and action has developed and changed. Schematically, one could organize it in four categories, the last one having some subgroups:
1. plan before survey:
data / information as justification of the design, plan, decision etc. value-laden; no definite purpose; no research standards;
his refers to the day-to-day situation where one decides and does, and only then thinks in order to motivate and to justify;
2 survey before plan:
data / information etc. as a foundation for plan etc. value-free; purposeless; low research standards;
this happens when the 'doer' does not yet know, and thinks the ideas and values will result from the facts;
3 research before plan:
data / information / knowledge as an autonomous entity: the planner mayor may not use it:
value-free; purpose-free; fundamental-research standards;
his situation is the one when information and knowledge are considered to be confined to research or when one thinks that research will result in laws applicable to the future; action and research are separate worlds;
4 research in mutual exchange with plan etc.:
data / information / knowledge / understanding / judgment, both as a check on and as an inspiration for action
value-Iaden; purpose directed; applied-research standards 4.1 one-time
a. in relation to goals and means b. in relation to design etc.;
in this situation the roles of the doer and of the researcher fit closely together, the former giving the values whilst the former not only analyses but adds the synthesis from the angle of knowledge process from data to insight; he is both critica I and constructive; the exchange, however, tends to be confined to
a moment rather than integrated in the process;
4.2 during the complete planning process (knowledge system);
here the same happens as under 4.1 but now integrated in the whole process of design, planning or decision making;
4.3 the concept of a 'knowledge system' rooted both in the 'science' system and in society at large, and in particular in the policy and design process;
in this situation the knowledge system does not deal primarily with research related knowledge but with all knowledge elements related to any of the stages of the process from data to judgment, this method yet having scientifically derived standards;
Of course one can even imagine a zero phase: no interest in information and reflection: action !
Roughly speaking the four categories have developed over time, one after the other, in the order given here. Yet in each period many cases belonging to the 'earlier' stages remain.
In this century stages two to four gradually developed. Unfortunately, however, in recent times many designers, planners and decision makers have decided that all this fuss blocks the intuition and inspiration: action !
On the other hand, with the advent of modern planning methods and planning theories reflection developed as a quality in itself, separated from systematic production and management of information, knowIedge, insight and judgments.
The concept of the knowledge system balances all aproaches, and tries to model all requirements and qualities in the appropriate mix.
The essays contained in this book / issue represent some of the approaches possible. When possible a supposed relationship to the scheme above is suggested.
Van Eck's essay relates the concept of unity in planning to the open system approach although
the issue of the knowledge contribution is not made explicit. However, it seems to open new avenues of thinking and working. This is particularly the case in the translation Van Eck gives to the concept of unity. He seems to have a deep understanding of the world behind the phrasing of Van Lohuizen who is given all credit whilst at the same time his work is approached in a critical yet positive way.
The planning approach by the author is modern and seems to answer the requirements of today. It is not theoretical only, and eschews academic 'kleinstaaterei'.
Julie Thompson Klein's essay is weU structured and consistent in argument.
It discusses the issue of interdisciplinarity, and as such gives a challenging approach to the theme. It combines a lot of interesting issues on planning, and is trying to fill an important 'knowledge gap' in the area of theory and method of interdisciplinarity. Of course, it should be clear that the essay refers to interdisciplinarity as an approach to find solutions for the problems in practical life, i.c. planning, design, and policy making; rather than to interdisciplinarity as a scientific, a research phenomenon: a knowledge problem is being solved by integrating approaches etc. from different disciplines / sciences.
Pasveer's approach is original. It tells what many think and do; it is a paper of today and contributes to the discussions in a fundamental way. The presentation is clear and well-worded. The approach is not all-embracing but clearly from the designer's point of view. Researchers may disagree on many points regarding the general validity of many statements. Yet the general argument may be supported by most planners leaving the option for others to deliver the necessary other information.
More than some other essays this paper may easily be placed in the scheme presented above. It clearly belongs to category 4.2 combined with a modern version of stage 1: plan before survey. Of course, here is also the problem of the approach: images are powerful and may remain even when evidence contradicts them.
Wagemans ' essay is a contrihution from real life, and it covers the theme of the hook in a most
direct way. It refers to stage 4.3, but presents the issue in a different form, i.e. scientific knowledge versus everyday knowledge based on experience.
Wagenaar presents an essay on playing the system: the multiple meanings of unintended program use. Interestingly it focuses on the issue of morals, both the morals of a policy itself and the morals of society and individuals who 'use' the outcomes of the policy. Of course it would be interesting to widen the scope and see what morals are involved in the process design, planning and decision making, including managing the knowledge system. It seems a highly relevant theme how to incorporate 'morality' in planning concepts and models and in handling knowledge.
Warfield is one of the leading authors on innovations in planning. His essay focuses on the
issue how to cope with complexity in design, planning and decision making. He advocates generic planning as planning must now transeend the conceptual barriers of individual disciplines. It is a report of the performance of the author's work.
De Zeeuw presents an essay on planning and learning clearly related to planning in the
everyday world. It is a stimulating and mind-expanding contribution.
The use made of and the interpretation given to Van Lohuizen 1948 is original, and gives credit to Van Lohuizen. De Zeeuw succeeds in using the old concepts in a modern way thus contrihuting to improving modern time conditions. He seems to be related to item 4.3 of the scheme.
Concluding, the essays as a whole tend to de-professionalize planning, design and decision making in order to re-professionalize.
De-professionalizing refers to the need to stop using fixed procedures, routine methods and standard concepts as we used to do. At least as far as, and to the degree th at, from the point of view of the present time their effect is counter-productive.
Re-professionalizing indicates the need to integrate new ways into the profession without loosing the innovative character whilst at the same time making a new whole out of separate entities. Particularly important is to address the 'scientific' character of the management of the knowledge system: getting rid of the rigor of empirical research as the only way to know; keeping to 'proto-scientific' characteristics of thinking, reflecting and concluding so as to guard oneself for mistakes and easy truths.
- - - -- - - -
-Reflection and consideration are needed. They are needed before a step is taken; whilst it is done; and after completing the step. In other words' they are needed for the input into design, planning and decision making; for guidance and escort during the following stage of 'through-put'; for evaluation and leaming after the output.
"NEW MODELS IN RESEARCH AND DESIGN:
NEW CONCEPTS OF UNlTY IN
PLANNING
AND POLICY
MAKING "
by
1. Introduction
The theme of the EFL competition "New forms of research within the unity of urban planning and design" raises an important question: to what extent is "unity in urban planning and design" still a valid concept?
On the one hand there is a real need for integrative concepts and strategies to help solve the increasingly complex problems in the field of urban and regional planning. Close links between the approaches employed by urban design, planning and development are therefore certainly desirabIe.
On the other hand one may wonder to what extent the ideal of unity is realistic and whether it does not perhaps in itself form an obstacle to a satisfactory approach to problems.
This essay seeks to show that in order to tackle existing problems a number of generally accepted principles need to be subjected to a radical reappraisal. The new planning and research methods will also require a new interpretation of the concept of unity on which Van Lohuizen's work was founded.
Outline
- The initial chapters discuss Van Lohuizen's ideal of unity from two different angles.
The first is the organization of human cooperation, which has made society and the use of space increasingly complex. The second line of approach is that of man's perception and conceptualization. A distinction is made here between more and less complex systems modeIs. Some of the philosophical ideas forming the background to Van Lohuizen's ideal of unity are also discussed.
- This is followed by a general outline of various approaches to planning and design from a historical point of view, thus placing Van Lohuizen's concept of unity within a wider framework.
- The last section of the essay examines examples of "open systems" approaches. Although such an approach has the makings of a powerful tooI, it is difficult for it to be integrated in existing patterns of research and decision making.
2. Van whuizen's concept ofunity
In the inaugurallecture on his appointment to the Department of Architecture at the University of Technology of Delft, Van Lohuizen (1948) presents in detail the ideal of unity in his work.
Besides the unity in content and form in the city plan (1) he considers the following
dimensions in particular: methods (2), organization (3), government (4) and finally the human mind (5). In this section these five dimensions are discussed.
The emphasis which Van Lohuizen placed on "unity in urban planning and design" should be partly viewed against the background of increasing specialization in professional disciplines and areas of activity. The unity of the plan stands or falls with the co-ordination of skills, methods and cooperation between the various (professional) disciplines.
At the methodological level (the seconddimension) Van Lohuizen therefore strived fore close interaction of the tasks of surveyor and designer. They should work together and know about each others methods and approaches. With this the designer should take into account all information relevant for the plan. Conversely, part of the relevance of the information is defined by its usefulness in the overall view of the designer.
It can be expected that "the interaction between the observed and the creative power of the artist"
will be easely effected in practice by prevailing concepts and design methods.
At the organizationallevel (the third dimension) Van Lohuizen was stressing theimportance of cooperation between the growing number of disciplines involved in city planning. Geographers, economists, social scientists and other specialists should not only analyse the technical, economic, social and psychological factors, but also contribute to the final synthesis.
Van Lohuizen argued in favour of a training which (in addition to specialized teaching) would devote considerable time to integrative skills and the ability to work with others.
In governmental organization of urban. planning and design (the fourth dimension) Van Lohuizen sought unity in the harmonious, integrated functioning of the various levels of government: the state, the province and the municipality. Like most of his contemporaries he based his thinking on the principle of a highly centralized hierarchical style of planning. The emphasis which Van Lohuizen placed in 1948 on the leading role of the state C'Only from the top is it possible to have a comprehensive view of the whoIe") would seem less in keeping with the outlook of the nineties. Implicitly, however, his whole concept of design and planning is strongly influenced by his centralistic views. In his inaugural lecture he presents the ideal planning process as if it is the work of one person.
Next to the extern al organization of the planning process Van Lohuizen therefore stressed the importance of the psychological processes in the human mind.
On this psychological level "unity" was sought in a balanced correlation of perception and creativity, knowledge and intuition.
Van Lohuizens need for unity in these mental processes, must be understood in perspective of his own perception as an urban planner and designer. An urban planner has not only the spoken or written word at his disposal as a means of expression: he also uses (even more frequently) images and forms.
While "words" are always interpreted consecutively as separate concepts, the 'image' is presented as a 'unity'. Not only is the analogue 'image' a basically different form of expres sion from sequential 'language', working with an image also requires a different way of thinking. Sequential thinking mainly follows lines of 'logic' and 'cause and effect'. Analogue thinking on the other hand is primarily associative. Links are made on the basis of similarity, focus of attention and semantic associations.
Although some traditional scholars still regard the use of associative links with a large do se of scepticism, over the last few decades it has bec~me more and more widely accepted. In the development of technology, the use of models and analogies has played an essential role right from the start.
Van Lohuizens need for unity can therefore partly be traced back to the intrinsic conceptual need for a 'complete' image. For an other part it can be seen as the need for integration and tuning of two different ways of thinking.
Recent developments in neurology and linguistics brought more understanding of the mental processes mentioned above. Structural patterns found in transformational linguistics make it plausible that both sequential and analogue thinking have similar basic structures in common.
In the field of architecture and city planning the "pattern language" developped by Cristopher Alexander (1977) is an example of an intermediary structure between the sequential language and activity patterns and the analogue city plan.
In his article "A city is not a tree" Alexander (1966) states that simple hierarchical patterns are typical for natural human thought. Those patterns are not able to match relations in reality who are more complex and open. The patterns Alexander developed instead are therefore more related to (archetypical) human experience than abstract thought.
The hierarchical scheme of the organization of government planning seems typical too for the way patterns of thought are build up. Plans at higher scale levels can be filled in at lower scale levels according to requirements. Thus plans at a central level show two different types of abstraction.
Firstly there is the reduction in the aspects of the Real Life System considered. Secondly there is the reduction in scale. At higher scale levels (spatial) patterns are highly simplified and often disappear.
In spi te of this new knowIedge, there still is relatively little insight into the nature of associative processes. For this reason (and perhaps partly as areaction to the scepticism of the traditional academics), even today it is of ten difficult to discuss the process of creative association, which almost assumes a quality of magic. In this context it is hardly surprising that Van Lohuizen in his time spoke reverently of intuition as a "unique talent" and of the urban designer as an "artist".
The city plan of the urban designer, however, is the everyday reality of a wide range of user categories. Thus the ideal of Unity in this plan (Van Lohuizen's first dimension) also implies
'''completeness'' in the experience of the user. He says in his inaugural lecture: "Only complete harmony between form and content can give complete satisfaction".
In planning, however, the urban designer will also be faced with many uncertainties. Part of the concept will have to be filled in "intuitively" in order to make the form complete. Yet the higher the level of abstraction, the less one can assume that the "unity" of the plan can be recognized as an aspect of everyday reality.
The survey of these five dimensions in planning makes clear that the need for 'unity' in planning and design can be traced back to different kinds of complexity. Some aspects of the extern and organizational complexity will be considered in the next section.
In section four some aspects of the perception of complex images will be discussed. 3. The increasing oomplexity ofhuman oooperation.
In his survey of "basic forms of human cooperation" Malotoux (1978) indicates how in history various forms of cooperation led to increased productivity.
The simplest forms of cooperation are parallel and series connections of similar activities,
such as those required for moving a load or standing on guard. The gain resulting from such forms of cooperation was considerable, as certain threshold values could thus be exceeded.
Owing to the losses which occur during the combination or co-ordination of skills, however, the increase in productivity resulting from these primitive forms of cooperation remained limited.
The linking of dissimilar skills leads in principle to much greater productivity gains
(particularly with regard to quality). Industrial development is based on such forms of cooperation.
The simplest way in which dissimilar skills are linked is when they are carried out simultaneously. More complex forms of cooperation occur when the various activities are carried out independently of each other as far as time and place are concern ed. Examples of this are traditional specializations such as hunting and looking after the home, working as a tailor or a blacksmith.
The gradual development in this direction, mainly as the re sult of chance, considerably increased in pace when the development function in industrial production was separated from the actual production process. This indirect "second order" control gave rise to a revolutionary growth in capacity at the production level.
The growing complexity of dependency relationships also brought changes in patterns of social behaviour. Growing prosperity and mobility made family ties becoming weaker and relationships between individuals are taking a large number of different forms. In many fields there are far more possibilities for individual decisions and new opportunities for self-determination and autonomous behaviour. At the same time interdependencies are less clearly recognizable and existing social values and patterns are fast being swept aside.
This continuing individualization and functional differentiation seems to be accompanied by a fundamental shift in the use of urban space.
Sociological studies sin ce the sixties showed that people started to satisfy their interests over wider areas, while the traditional social function of the neighbourhood became less important. While social relations used to be mainly based on closed systems, new relation patterns are more like open systems. Alexander (1966) gives the following description of this phenomenon. "In a traditional society, if we ask a man to name his best friend and then ask each of these in turn to name their best friends, they will all name each other so that they form a closed group. Modern structures are utterly different. If we ask here, all friends will name different people, most of them very likely unknown to each other".
More and more activities which once took place principally in public have now been moved to the private or semi-private domain.
Many people have a stronger orientation on private family life and activities in (semi
-private) clubs and have less contacts in the public realm. Television talk shows take over the function of the market square. For many the normal round of life con sist of moving from
one's suburban park-like neighbourhood, via private auto mobile to one's suburban office park and back again. Only one's consumers demands forces one to enter in the public realm and then only in its most sanitised and highly controIled form: the suburban enclosed shopping maIl. The need to participate in public activities seems to grow in other fields. Public holidays and manifestations like "Queens day" and "Sail '90" in Amsterdam attract huge masses. Mobility (one of the preconditions for the present day lifestiles) also has its costs. Growing nuisance, overcrowded roads and increasingly strict environmental requirements for a cut down in the use of energy may lead to future limitations in traffic. These limitations can have far-reaching and probably undesirable effects on todays social patterns and urban areas. As cooperation becomes more complex and less easily visible, continuing growth and specialization no longer lead to greater productivity. This is one of the reasons why multinationals these days consist of conglomerates of relatively small companies operating independently.
From the early seventies (semi-) government agencies we re also confronted by limits to planning and control. There has been reorganization of government, deregulation and decentralization but government policies nonetheless seem to be increasingly confined to management by speech. Of ten the control which is intended does not lead to any concrete results, sometimes there are even adverse results. Answers are sought either in the ideological domain or in the (in)effectiveness of the policy. The relationship between these two has so far received far less consideration (In 't Veld and Kickert, '88).
Within urban and regional planning the possibilities for (government) con trol are becoming less. Moreover, now that the state is withdrawing from the housing field there are fewer means available for con trol. The shift away from "planning for urban growth" to "urban management" also caIls for other approaches. Increasingly the action which has to be taken in existing (urban) areas has only a limited application. Changes such as these mean that the central and prescriptive role of the urban planner is disappearing.
From this overview it becomes clear that human cooperation can not simply be se en as a solution for the lack of unity in planning and design. Human cooperation itself seems to be one of the main causes for the growing complexity in society an planning organization for which the city planner must find a solution.
4. Concepts ofreality
Within the various dimensions referred to by Van Lohuizen it is possible to distinguish a hierarchy of more and less complex systems. Boulding's systems hierarchy is a simple division into systems levels under which it is possible to classify the dimensions of unity referred to by Van Lohuizen.
Boulding distinguished a hierarchy of nine systems levels based on increasing complexity. The systems lowest in the hierarchy are simple systems: the framework (level 1) and clockwork (level 2). Af ter this come cybernetic systems (thermostat level) and self-regulating systems (ceIl level). From the fifth level upwards there is growth. In the case of plants and animals (levels 5 and 6) it is still primarily a question of blueprinted growth according to a fixed pattern of reaction to specific stimuli. Man (level 7), however, not only has a knowledge of the things round about him but he is also aware of this knowIedge. Here emerges the "conceptual ability" to draw up a plan for a series of actions, only the first step of which can be carried out immediately.
Boulding's eighth level is that of social organizations. The important thing here is the content and significance of language, shared values, art and symbols. The last level is that of philosophical systems, of which Boulding says: "even if we may be accused at this point to have built Babel to the clouds, it will be a sad day for man when nobody is allowed to ask questions that do not have answers".
In this hierarchy a lower order system can never be regarded as a higher system. A table simply cannot be considered as a human being. Conversely it is, however, possible to regard a higher order system as a system of a lower order (to study it).
When any system is defined in order to gain greater insight into reality this immediately implies that there will be a limitation to this reality. The most it is able to represent is the "Real Life System" (RLS): that part of reality identified (consciously or unconsciously) by the human observer. When models are made the RLS is on ce again rendered more convenient to use by abstracting from reality. Depending on the purpose of the model certain aspects are left out, as a result of which a lower order system is created.
Thus abstraction in a model means there is both a gain and a loss. On the one hand there is greater clarity and direction of thinking. On the other hand the particular characteristics of the system in reality are increasingly lost from view and differences from the Real Life System can easily arise. The quality of the model therefore ultimately depends on the extent to which it fulfils its purpose.
A complex model does not automatically imply a better grasp of reality or permit better predictions. Of ten it is found that the quality of simple models is high. A correct choice of the aspects system presented by the model and in particular a correct choice of the systems levels of the model are of crucial importance.
This is one of the reasons that Van Lohuizen stressed the importance of cooperation and interaction between the surveyor and designer.
With the aid of Boulding's hierarchy the five dimensions of 'unity' found in Van Lohuizen's approach, can now be placed at different systems levels.
The urban plan (the first dimension found in Van Lohuizen's approach) is in general a systems description at Boulding's lowest level. It consists of 'forms' and 'relation patterns'; processless systems with an unchanging structure.
Urban development research and design (the second demension) may include more complex systems descriptions. The survey of (design) methods of Westrik and Büchi (1989), however, mainly shows methods directed towards spatial coherence only. Some methods developped in the sixties and seventies Oike Alexander's or De Jong's) combine spatial and functional orientation.
Even so the abstraction of the models compared with the urban systems which they describe is extremely high.
In his striving for unity Van Lohuizen seeks to establish links between the abstract plan models C"Form") with the more complex Real Life System and the other dimensions of planning ("Function"). Organization and government (dimensions three and four) are to be found at Boulding's level eight. The processes of the human mind (dimension five) on level seven.
It can be seen that Van Lohuizen's ideal of "unity in form and function" is not easy to attain as there seems to be a gulf between the complex and (relative) simple systems.
The coherence between form and function, planning and organization has either to be found departing from Boulding's seventh and eighth levels, either structured to a high degree by the abstract planning methods and plans on the first and second levels.
Not only today control within the complex systems at the 7th and 8th levels constitutes a problem. The importance which Van Lohuizen attached to the complex human and cultural aspects of both the urban plan and the planning process is principally a definition of the problem in this field.
On the more simple levels it is indeed possible to achieve a large measure of controllability and predictability within the models available. It is questionable to what extent such models are able to deal satisfactorily with certain essential aspects of living systems.
Before this question is discussed in the next sections of this essay it may be clarifying to illuminate a sixth dimension contained in Van Lohuizen's ideal of unity. This is the general cultural and philosophical background which influenced the thinking of Van Lohuizen and his contemporaries and which can be found at Boulding's ninth systems level.
Van Lohuizen's view of the world can be attributed to the interaction of different philosophical systems.
One system which influenced Van Lohuizen's thinking was the Mechanistic model of the world which determined (scientific) thinking from the 17th century onwards. "Mechanism" as a framework of thought may be considered in a narrow sense and in a broad sen se. In a narrow sense, it is a framework in which all acceptable explanations must be in terms of motions of material bodies determined by forces acting on them. In a broader sense a mechanical framework is simply a deterministic one. It is based on the assumption that if everything is known about the state of the world at a given moment, then (in principle) everything can be known about it for all time, because each "present state" determines the state immediately following it.
Although the deterministic model of the world had to be abandoned in physics at the beginning of this century and af ter that was replaced in many other branches of science as weIl by positivistic and operationalistic frameworks of thought (Rapoport, '69), the influence of three centuries of "mechanism" is still considerable even in our present-day thinking.
In the twenties and thirties, partly due to the success of industrial production methods, the functional principles of cause and effect were also embraced by "the new realism", a new movement in architecture internationally organized in the CIAM. Advanced industrial products such as cars and ships served as models for a new style of design. The new scientific approach of industrial production served as a model for the design of a city. The thinking of both Van Eesteren and Van Lohuizen is very closely related to this movement. The principles for the "Amsterdams Uitbreidings Plan" (AUP), the development plan for which they were responsible in the early thirties, were brought in by them and laid down at the CIAM conference in Athens in 1933.
Next to close relations with CIAM and the "Nieuwe Bouwen" Van Lohuizen was strongly attached by friendship and ideas with "De Stijl". He had relationships with Rietveld and felt attracted to Mondriaan, whom he knew weIl.
The philosophy of "De Stijl" is partly founded on a mystical concept of unity and a teleological approach, which is also typical of the Christian philosophical system.
In the Christian view events are explained according to their purpose, which is ultimately to be found outside the Real Life System. Cannetti (1980, p. 174) shows how this doctrine of final causes was a necessary part of the major influence which the Christian church developed over the centuries. Essential to this success was above all the static nature of the Christian paradise. The promised communion (with the company of angels and saints) was not only placed in a different, inaccessible world, and thus for this reason alone rendered harmless in the existing society, it was also a model of equanimity and peace.
In contrast to this Christian approach the philosophy of "De Stijl" was aimed to the present world. Here a more dynamic approach of the concept of 'unity' was possible, more in line with the ideas of mechanism. .
Although this dynamism was certainly to be found the ideas "De Stijl" (especially in the ideas of Van Doesburg), it took till the end of the sixties in the Netherlands before more dynamic concepts found their way into the mainstream of architecture and urban planning.
Even Van Doesburg writes in 1931: "The style of the future will be above all the style of salvation and rest, the style were all polarities are in balance" (De Haan, '90)
Van Lohuizen too in his inaugurallecture presents the ideal city as "the crystallization of the life of its inhabitants in all its manifestations".
Thus the ideal of unity at the ninth level joins up again with the static patterns of the first level.
5. From statie to dynamie concepts ofunity
In the years after the Second World War the nature of the CIAM changed. From a small group of architects opposing the appalling housing situation of the times the CIAM now itself became an institution and gained authority and respect. A small group, including the Dutch architects Bakerna, Van Eyck and to a certain extent the "grand old man" Van Eesteren himself were aware of the danger. The CIAM had functioned as a catalyst within a complicated system of
forces. To decIare that the CIAM philosophy was the be-all and end-all would lead to an extremely one-sided approach.
The critici sm was first directed at the limitations of determinism and the analytical approach. The critics maintained that it was the very aspects not included in this approach which were essential for the functioning of society. They questioned not only the lack of meaningful links but also the inability of such an approach to express human values, the human scale and visual and emotional experience. Finally the time element was raised (once again). The critics rejected the conservative, static nature of the existing approach.
The ideal of unity which Van Lohuizen had expressed some years earlier was sought especially in experience, as can be seen from the following words by Bakerna:
"What I ask myself is: when can we really speak of "core" in such a way that it determines form in architecture and urban design? Perhaps the answer is as fOllOWS: There are moments in our lives when separation is no longer necessary in people and things. That is the moment of "core": the moment in which we become aware of a more complete form of life through the experience of relationships which we had not known existed." (Bakerna, Hoddesdon 1951/Forum '59).
Towards the end of the sixties criticism of modern urban development multiplied rapidly. As areaction to the static "completed" nature of modern urban architecture and design, post-modern movements aiming at fragrnentization and vitalization became more important. In the Netherlands a "structuralistic" movement came into being which influenced a number of urban development schemes in the seventies.
In most cases, however, changes were confined to extern al form. The simple hierarchical organization patterns criticised by Alexander can be found in nearly all schemes.
In planning theory too a critical movement came into being in the sixties which led to more fundamental changes in the existing methods of planning. With regard to content there was criticism of the intuitive and autonomous manner in which structural plans were drawn up. Formally there were objections to the less than democratic content of the plans. The people for whom they were intended were all too often confronted with a fait accompli.
Dissatisfaction with the results of planning so far led to drastic changes in methods during the seventies. On the one hand decision making was decentralized. New planning approaches were developed which led to less rigid decision making procedures and allo wed the people to have some say in the matter. Mter the "strategic" planning approach during the seventies the
eighties were in particular a time of "planning by negotiation" at increasingly lower levels of government (Van der Cammen, '81). With this decentralization and dynamic approach to planning the ideal of unity was implicitly abandoned.
At the same time the R.P.D. (the Dutch Physical Planning Agency) introduced a systems approach for central planning, aimed at achieving a satisfactory analysis of all the elements relevant to planning. This implied a shift away from a static to a more dynamic approach. Migration streams and economic activities became the indicators on which planning was based (Yap Hong Seng, '87).
The mechanistic view and the ideal of unity are not abandoned here. The approach assumes that the behaviour of complex systems is deterministic and can be described in terms of dynamic relations.
In practice, however, this dynamic mechanistic approach is also found to have its limitations. Nassuth (1989) cites the example of the "Midden-Randstad" survey (MIRAD) carried out in 1975, in which a large migration stream was expected from the Randstad. It did not in fact take place and the final migration figures for Brabant and Gelderland actually decreased. N assuth attributes the failure of the prediction to the scale level of the observations. A conclusion of this kind might lead within the mechanistic view to a re-evaluation of the relevant system boundaries and the scale levels.
Deterministic chaos
The solution to the shortcomings of the R.P.D. approach is found by Nassuth in a dynamic systems approach of "deterministic chaos". The first seeds for this approach were sown as far back as the turn ofthe century. Henri Poincaré demonstrated that although Newton's celestial
mechanics are deterministic the movements of mutually attracting celestial bodies is so complex that their behaviour ultimately becomes unpredictable and chaotic. The use of computers and fractal mathematics has now made it possible to simulate and study this deterministic chaos.
A fractal is a geometrical figure in which the same motive is repeated on an increasingly smaller scale. If, when generating fractals, the characteristic "uniformity" is interpreted not exactly but statistically, chance distortions occur which frequently re sult in chaos but at certain values show regular patterns ("strange attractors"). "Growth" in such systems is therefore characterized by a certain alternation of chaos and regularity.
The study of deterministically chaotic systems has already led in recent years to a number of far-reaching new insights into principles such as predictability and cause and effect. There is much more still to come. Nonetheless there are also considerable limitations regarding the direct applicability of such insights to explain qualitatively complex systems.
The study of dynamic systems is restricted to very simple functions with a few variables. When such explanatory models are applied to planning theory and urban development
"unity" appears to be a basic premise (even more than in Van Lohuizen's approach), since the complex behaviour of the dynamic systems can ultimately be traced back to one variabIe. The basic principle of fractal geometry is that patterns at all scale levels show the same form and behaviour. Thus where Van Lohuizen implicitly made no distinction between the approach at different scale levels, fractal geometry now does this explicitly.
''Living' systems
An approach which does indeed distinguish between scale levels is the environmental approach in ecology. The methods advocated in the National Environment Plan (1988) also make a distinction between scale levels. The models used are based on the example of living systems (from the cell level upwards). Such systems are in interaction with their environment and are therefore called "open" systems. Moreover, through selective input and output there is homeostasis: within certain margins the system maintains a steady state.
The principle of homeostasis can also be extended to the area surrounding the living system. Due to the limitations of the boundary regulation of the living organisms the environment must also satisfy certain conditions in order for the system to remain alive. The area in which this homeostasis is created by the unit of biological organization (made up of the community of organisms in the area interacting with the physical environment) is called the ecosystem. The boundary regulation of a system of this kind was abstracted by Van Leeuwen (1978) in the ecodevice model. This model distinguishes between the following functions: "input", "output", "resistance" and "retention". The combined action of these four primary boundary functions permits homeostasis in the system, both qualitatively and quantitatively.
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The "habitat" in the ecosystem is aresuIt both of the fluctuations in the physical environment and of the boundary regulation, which is also determined by biological factors.
Ecosystems develop by modification of the physical environment. Ecological succession is therefore community-controlled, even though the physical environment determines the pattern, the rate of change and of ten sets limits as to how far development can go. Ecological succes sion is also an orderly process that is reasonably directional and therefore predictabIe.
It culminates in a stabilized system with maximum con trol of (or homeostasis with) the physical environment.
Mature ecosystems have maximum biomass (or high information content) per unit of available energy flow, whereas the production in relation to the biomass present is relatively low. The community structure is well-organized and varied and has a high degree of specialization.
Man's goal of "maximum production" of ten conflicts with this strategy of "maximum protection". A relatively high production and energy flow is found in immature ecosystems and goes hand in hand with a lack of a well-differentiated structure and with uniformity (Odum, '72).
Differentiation and "diversity" are controversial criteria, however. There are in fact different types of variety. Moreover variety at one scale level may be se en as homogeneity at another (De Jong, '88). Thus for living creatures "scale" is an important quality aspect. The same structures which at one scale level offer satisfactory conditions for life may on another scale equally weIl result in an environment where conditions for life are poor.
In the traditional CIAM approach, in which the town as an area of research is divided into functions and aspects, "scale" is not something which is studied in its own right. Despite the critici sm of the fifties and sixties very little attention is paid to these problems even now. A more powerful tooI for urban analysis than the CIAM grid is the "Ekistic" grid developed by the Greek architect C. A. Doxiadis (Bell and Tyrwhitt, '72). The grid incorporates a complete spectrum of the range of human settlements - from single man to the world-encompassing ecumenopolis. The elements on the ordinate of the grid - "nature", "man", "society", "shell" and "networks" cover a much wider area than Le Corbusier's four functions of land use.
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0" MAnother important aspect of ecosystems is the dynamic interaction with the environment. As the living systems can influence their immediate environment, growth of the ecosystem is possible.
There is no place for this interaction in the traditional CIAM models for the town. Ever since the fifties there has been criticism of the fact that the modern town did not satisfactorily meet people's needs in terms of their experience and opportunities for learning and growth. 80 far there have been no structural solutions to this fundamental challenge. The fact that it is becoming increasingly impossible for individuals to make their mark on their environment is in sharp contrast to the growing opportunities for self-determination in our culture.
In the last part of this essay I should therefore like to consider in greater detail a model in which the relationship between a living system and its environment is se en from the viewpoint of the system itself. The model therefore asks for a fundamental shift in the concepts
of unity discussed so faro The traditional sciences seek an objective approach of 'unity' in the
different planning dimensions, which is an approach from the outside of the researched systems. In the model discussed 'unity' can be distinguished in several overlapping systems. Therefore 'unity' in this model can also be approached from inside. The subjective experience
the critics in Forum found essential in environmental planning plays a key role here.
6. Undetermined chaos
In the years af ter the Second World War it became clear in business management that the forces outside the organizations to be managed also played avital role in determining boththe instrumental regulation and the human relationships within these organizations. The concept of the open or "extrovert" organization was born. "Extrovert organizations operate
knowing that they are only one ofmany parties and that side by side with the target groups.and
those carrying out the work they are only co-producers of socially desirabIe effects." (Van Dijk and Hoppe, '87). Although in management theory the emphasis is primarily on a
rational approach, in the early seventies there was a change of thinking. As the complexity
and unpredictability of the social actors seriously restrict the possibilities for rational control, "human relations" have once again become the main object of theory.
In order to counter the current view of organizations as goal-directed and rational forms of human behaviour Cohen, March and Olsen (1972) introduced an alternative in which personnel organization plays a central role. In this "garbage can model of organizational choice" organizations are described as collections of fairly autonomous interest groups with very few definite and obvious links. The examples quoted by March et al. mainly relate to universities and non-profit organizations.
Organizations as "organized anarchy" are characterized by ambiguity in the following areas:
1. ambiguous or even contradictory objectives
2. poor understanding of the situation
3. relationships within the organization are not clear-cut
The "garbage can" organization operates with a number of inconsistent and ill-defined preferences, which are to be regarded as the re sult of activity rather than the other way round. Although the organiz?tion is able to function and also supplies products, the situation as it exists is not fully appreciated and understood by the members of the organization. They work mainly on the basis of simple trial and error procedures, learning from experience and pragmatic make-shift solutions. The members of the organization spend a varying amount of time on different activities, of ten with a varying degree of involvement
The garbage can model in fact recognizes the same elements (at sub-organization level) as the rational approach to decision making in organizations. There are "problems" and
"solutions"; "decisions" are made by "participants". However, instead of the causal
connection between these elements which is usually to be found in management theory, where the identification and analysis of problems is folIewed by the generation of solutions and finally a decision is made by the participants, the relation is somewhat arbitrary.
1. The "problems" which affect the decision making may be located either inside or outside
the organization and cover a very wide field - ranging from family problems, frustrations and relationships at work to ideologies and general social problems.
2. "Solutions" are presented as autonomous products, of ten before any question has been
3. "Decisions" are made at those times when such behaviour is expected from the organization. The circumstances prevailing at that moment of ten determine the decisions which are made.
4. There is of ten a large turnover of "participants" involved in decision-making processes. This is usually determined more by other demands made on the participants' time rather than by the nature of the decision.
Despite the absence of causal relations it would appear that in garbage can organizations "problems" can still be solved in the following ways.
1. When "trial" is not followed by "error".
2. By accident, for example when it is thought that other problems are being solved.
3. When side-stepping other (often more important) problems, as a result of which attention is suddenly drawn to the problems concerned.
March conc1udes that the organizations which he describes require a type of management totally different from the earlier conceptions of c10sed and/or rational systems. He departs from the existing metaphors used to describe organizations. "Rather than an analyst looking for specific data we are inclined to think of a monitor looking for unusual signaIs. The vision of management wi11 have to be subtIe, often by means of very small interventions which are amplified by the existing forces in the organization process". He assumes that organizations are to be sailed rather than driven and that organizational design is "more like locating a snowfence to deflect the drifting sn ow than like building a snowman".
Even in a garbage can system it is still possible to behave (relatively) rationally and systematically. Even with poor insight into the situation it is still possible to optimalize the recognizable possibilities. Solutions can be found in particular by the rationalization of the "learning processes" and the "trial and error" procedures referred t~. Systematic and rational conceptualization and communication also contribute to the optimalization of possibilities.
Among those who have undertaken a systematic analysis of trial and error is Drucker (1985). He distinguishes the following steps:
1. Systematic investigation of (seven) partially overlapping areas of interest. 2. Starting up (preferably different) likely initiatives.
3. Selection and further development of the successful initiatives.
The practical implementation of these steps can be effected in various ways. The following is an example of an innovation method introduced in the Netherlands by Van der Kooy (1983). 7. Innovative systems
Innovative systems are often presented as a relationship of three interacting systems. There is an organization (i.) in open interaction with the environment (e.). This organization provides a certain extern al function in the environment by means of products or services (referred to as "product" (p.)).
At the boundary between the two systems there is a con trol system or actor (a.). This actor is in open interaction with both the organization and the environment. The interaction of the actor with the environment is primary goal-orientated, the interaction with the organization primary directed to an optimizing of means.
-
actor
=>
product
organisation
environment
c. An innovative system in its environment
In the model it is assumed that the organization (i.) will have a relatively steady state, while
the environment shows greater dynamism and change. One can therefore expect an increasing discrepancy between the output (p.) of the organization and the requirements of society. The more rigid the organization and the more rapidly the social changes take place,
the greater this discrepancy becomes. The "usefulness" of the organization (i.) to the
environment (e.) steadily decreases.
Adaptation to the external needs of the environment will always require goal-directed changes on the part of the organization. As changes in the steady state of a "living" system are necessarily accompanied by resistance, such changes will generally take place in leaps and bounds. Thus the model contains two types of dynamism: a relatively autonomous process of change in the environment and a goal-directed change for the adaptation of the external function of the organization. This latter process, which starts with the identification of the
discrepancy, is called "innovation" (Van Eck, '90).
The optimal goal for the innovation cannot simply be derived in a deterministic process from the discrepancy between the external function and the needs of society. Simply recognizing the fact that an adaptation has to be made does not automatically indicate the best form this adaptation should take. Thus in the various phases of the innovation process the actor weighs up the opportunities and possibilities in the external organization (ends) against the possibilities of the internal organization (means). In this way the actor is able to choose the most suitable innovation strategy. The changes are worked out in an iterative process during which ends and means can be matched to each other.
Disregarding the actual content of the changes various strategies can be distinguished:
"primarily internally determined" and "primarily externally determined" strategies (Van
Eck, '90).
In the first type of strategies the new function (p.) is mainly brought about by changes in the internal organization, such as the introduction of new methods and techniques.
In the second type the new function is mainly brought about by new possibilities in (or manipulation of) the environment, for example by the development of a new market.
A good example of an innovative approach in urban development is the planning procedure recommended by Bouwmans, Hereijgers and Middelkoop (1989) for a differentiated approach to housing renovations.
1. The starting point for the systematic approach is the indication locally of the need for
renovations to be carried out (In principle per complex or group of complexes). If there are
found to be problems here a decision can be made (in good time) to subject these problems to
further analysis.
2. In the next stage there is a further analysis of the problems and if possible they are reduced
to physical or spatial features of the houses (product) or to the local context (environment,
housing situation). On the basis of the results obtained from this analysis the decision can
