tain groups that are trying to act as representatives of region population inter-ests, but on the other hand, it’s the traditional behavior of local population. For the last one, the process of election is, first of all, a kind of its direct participa-tion in state life.
On the whole, social and economic situation in oblast is still tense. For the years of Ukraine independence, the main features of social and political orientations of the region population haven’t changed considerably. Besides, in some cases they were enlarged: it was marked the increase of contradictions between the centre and oblast, concerning the problem of understanding of tasks and the strategy of Ukraine development as a state and Lviv oblast development as a main region of Western Ukraine; some organizations are cultivated the image of the region as a source of political and interreligious tenseness, the disproportions in oblast eco-nomic and social development in comparison with other oblasts of Eastern Ukraine are deepened. Lately, it’s appeared a new tendency of rejection of central authori-ties’ policy by the region population. They were accused of inconsistency in na-tional interests asserting, lack of essential results in crime, corruption and shadow business prevention.
As a result, Lviv region and Western Ukraine as well, might be turned into depressive region with definite anti government political orientations. It’s obvi-ous that such trend will be followed by the rise of the separatist and extremist movements that will slow down social and economic development. In order to prevent such phenomena, it’s very necessary to work out a complex strategy of optimization of oblast social and political situation that will take into consider-ation not only the historical and political realities of the region, but will be based on its social and economic peculiarities.
The main principle of this strategy must be the understanding of a special role of Lviv oblast in the process of Ukraine integration into European economic orga-nizations. The successful implementation of this strategy in Lviv oblast might become the grounds of its expansion in all oblasts of Western Ukraine.
Political and party life of oblast is also of great interest. Just from the begin-ning of the process of Ukraine independence renewal in 1991 till the election cam-paign of 2002, the main characteristic feature of Lviv region political life was po-litical parties’ multiplication (quantity increase and splitting up). It has led to the considerable reduction of political parties, and to the limitation of their power.
It’s also caused population distrust to some political organizations and to their leaders.
The election of 2002 gave impulse to political system formation. Today we have two powerful political forces that rival for power in a political sphere. The first is political organizations united around, oppositional bloc” Nashua Ukraine”
(“Our Ukraine”), the second –united around political parties with progovernement orientation (“Social and Democratic Party of Ukraine (united)”–(SDPU(u)), “The Regions of Ukraine” etc.)
At the same time, the activity of a major part of political parties and public organizations of oblast are based on authorities’ criticism. It’s explained by the unreadiness of certain political and party organizations as to their participation in solving of difficult problems of the region (namely, in lobbying its interests on a national level). It predetermines the focus of region political forces on so called
”protest electorate”. The national deputy election in 2002 was marked by aggra-vation of social and political situation of the oblast.
The main factor of social and political processes is an interconfessional and international situation .The interconfessional situation in Lviv region is tradition-ally marked by particular tension. The main reason of this phenomenon is a con-siderable concentration of religious organizations and particular interconfessional structure in Ukraine (Ukrainian Greek–Catholic Church (UGCC) domination).
The tension in interconfessional relations was considerably eased owing to the purposeful activity of authorities.
The main minorities which traditionally influence social and political situa-tion in the region are the Russians and the Poles. The problem of polish and Jew-ish cemeteries maintaining has also a great influence on a political and social situation. Some right–wing forces are not interested in this problem solving, be-cause it’s a good source of political capital formation.
Lviv region took an active part in the history of liberation wars of Ukrainian people for its independence. A great part of region population was subjected to repression by ruling system till 1991. So, at present time Lviv region is inhabited by citizens (about 270,000 people with their families) who have undergone some persecutions in the past and demand special compensations for their moral and material losses. Besides, in XX century, Lviv region was a scene of mass deporta-tions of the population. Today it’s inhabited by a great deal of present Poland natives (from Pidljashja, Nadsjannja, Lubachiv region, etc.). The interests of these citizens are asserted by the Union of deported Ukrainian communities that has a particular political influence on the region. There is also a problem with immi-grants from the territory of Yavoriv military fire base. If the local government doesn’t pay proper attention to these problems, they will be used by some inter-ested parties in order to aggravate the political situation in the region.
Social and political situation often depends on economic situation and the level of social relations development. Lviv region has also to solve some serious prob-lems in this sphere that are directly related to it’s historical past. Contrary to the widespread stereotype, Lviv region has never been a region with a high level of development of social and economic sphere. Significant problems were laid in the economic structure of the region that was focused on machinery construction, min-ing and chemical industry. Lack of economic forces and financial basis, that are very necessary for social sphere development, was compensated by the great con-centration of scientific and technical potential and high level of culture of Lviv popu-lation.
The reasons of unsatisfactory social and economic development of this region are directly related to its history: first of all, to the long period of colonial exist-ence as a part of empires (Polish State, Austria, Poland, etc) and to its peripheral frontier geographical situation (over the last ten years this feature has consider-ably slowed down social and economic development).
In comparison with other regions of Eastern Europe, Galychina lagging can be noticed not only in economic sphere, but also in the sphere of agriculture. It was predetermined by considerable overpopulation of the region and by unfavorable geographical conditions (the worse soil, hilly and mountainous areas, constant natural calamities such as floods, etc.)
The attempts to rise the economy of the region was made in the process of it’s the USSR entering. They were aimed at the disproportion elimination in economic and social development of western territories (that were included into the USSR after the Second World War). More over, the main goal was to create a powerful scientific and industrial centre in the western part of the country that will become a centre of cooperation between Ukraine and countries – satellites of Central and Eastern Europe.
Despite, a great number of measures, taken by the USSR, the issue of dispro-portion elimination wasn’t solved till 1991. For example, the cost of main funds per capita in Lviv was a third lower than on average in Ukraine. The average level of population income was lagging behind the national indices by 10–20%
.The situation beyond the oblast centre that concentrated a great deal of the whole social and economic potential of Western Ukraine was considerably worse.
After the renewal of Ukraine independence in 1991, the social and political situation of the region has undergone considerable deterioration. Besides, the disproportions in Lviv social and economic development, that had appeared ear-lier, were intensified lately. In comparison with other oblasts, Lviv region transi-tion to market economy was very difficult and painful. The reason is an economic structure of the region that was formed under the USSR regime and focused on military– industrial complex.
Since 1999 oblast authorities have succeeded in slowing down the process of production decrease and in initiating the tendency of crisis phenomena overcom-ing in social and economic sphere. For the last three years , industrial production output has increased from 3.1 mln grn to 5.0 bn grn.The rate of increase, in com-parison with last year, was – 1.2% in 1999, 11.9% in 2000, 42.3% in 2001, 13.5% in 2002. Industrial output increase of the region from January to October 2003 was 13% – it’s close to the average national index.
But it’s too early to talk about total overcoming of crisis phenomena in oblast economy. The main reason is that Lviv region has undergone considerable indus-trial production decrease after 1991. For example: in 1998 the indusindus-trial produc-tion output in Ukraine was 50% in comparison with 1990, but in Lviv region this index went down to 27%. Another problematic issue is dramastic increase of
production output that can be noticed nowadays and that was taken place on several giant enterprises. So, The Oil Refining Complex (ORC) “Galychina” gives a fifth part of the oblast total industrial output.
Despite the industrial output increase, the real income of the population (pur-chasing capacity) is constantly going down. A great part of population can’t af-ford to pay for public utilities. Besides, the imperfect procedure of housing subsi-dies assignment (subjective approach, corruption and abuse of power) leads to the increase of public utilities debtors. All these factors have the negative influ-ence on moral and psychology of the region population; cause the distrust to local authorities as to their capacity in problem solving.
In spite of the fact that the property relations’ reform in the sphere of agricul-ture was formally completed, the issue of transition to the new approaches in agriculture management is still one of the most important in social and economic sphere of the region. This can be explained by attempting to solve the problem spontaneously, without any legislative and logistic support. The level of devel-opment of agricultural relations in Lviv region considerably differs from the one in Ukraine. That’s why, it’s necessary to work out a regional strategy of agrarian reform. As a result, the gross agriculture output in Lviv region is on average 480 grn. (with this index , Lviv region takes the 19th place in Ukraine).
Ecological situation of the oblast is also difficult. A great number of industrial operations of Lviv region are the sources of environmental worsening. According to the data of Ecology and Natural Resources Organization the most dangerous industrial operations in Lviv oblast are ,first of all, Yavoriv “Sirka”, ORC
”Galychina”and New Rozdil “Sirka”. The others are Dobrotvir TEPS, Sokal plant of chemical fibres, “Mykolaivtsement”, “Boryslavnaftogas”, holding “Ukrzakhi-dvugillja”, a special industrial coplex “Radon” and Stebnyk “Polimineral”.
The most important ecological issue is allocation of funds, aimed at the mea-sures concerning flood and other natural calamities prevention. Maybe it’s neces-sary to recur to the idea of Stryj reservoir buiding. Besides, the problem of water supply in Lviv is still the most urgent one: the city population gets the water according to special schedule.
Stabilization of social and political processes in Lviv region has to provide, first of all, the realization of urgent measures concerning the problem of over-coming of social and economic crisis consequences and elimination of a great number of destructive economic factors. From our point of view, it’s necessary:
• to enlarge the local government authorities in the process of working out the strategy of social, economic and political development of the region, in order to take into consideration all its peculiarities;
• to create a favorable investment climate that will stimulate the economic in-crease in oblast(maybe by means of New Special areas organization);
• to initiate significant changes in legislation concerning the increase of social status of the participants of nation–liberation movements and the victims of totalitarian regime.