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The fact that some temple had been built during Zeno’s reign is certainly not the conclusive proof with regard to his direct patronage; however, as it already has been mentioned above, it appears that apart from the complex at Seleucia of Isauria, at least two other groups of contemporary Isaurian churches, the so-called transept basilicas and domed basilicas, had been erected, as Stephen Hill asserts, thanks to the emperor’s donations.49

What was the reason, however, for the financial support of so many dona-tions for the less grandiose churches, as in the other regions of the Empire Zeno had been building fewer, yet more monumental, temples? The obvious answer seems to be provided by the natural relations of Zeno with his native land. Does, however, as Michael Gough put it, “natural interest [of Zeno] in the land of his fathers” provide a full answer to this question?50 It seems that the sources of such generous provision of funds for the Isaurian cities to enable the building activity on a broad scale should rather be sought elsewhere.

Isauria not only was the emperor’s native land, but also the region which had posed many problems to Zeno — it was here that the influence of Illus had been focused;51 he revolted against the emperor in 484 and put forward, to be emperor, Leontios, who had descended from the Isaurian Dalisandos.52 The main allies of Illus during the rebellion had been other Isaurians, of whom we know the names of Illus’ brother, Trocundes53 and Indacus Cottunes,54 and the elevation of Leontios to the title of Augustus was to have taken place on 19

48 Cf. M. G o u g h: “Anazarbus.” Anatolian Studies, vol. 2, 1952, pp. 116—118; M. G o u g h:

“Notes on a Visit to Mahras Monastery in Isauria.” Byzantine Studies=Études Byzantines, vol. 1, 1974, pp. 65—72; S. H i l l: The Early Byzantine Churches..., pp. 85—88 (Anavarza/Anazarbus), 101—103 (Batisandal), 104—105 (Bodrum), 111—113 (Cennet Cehennem), 160—162 (Dağ Pazarı), 176—179 (Kadirli) and 197—201 (Mahras Dağı).

49 Cf. S. H i l l: The Early Byzantine Churches..., pp. 51—54.

50 Cf. M. G o u g h: “The Emperor Zeno...,” p. 210.

51 On Illus, see H. E l t o n: “Illus and the imperial aristocracy under Zeno.” Byzantion, vol.

LXX, 2000, pp. 393—407; M.J. L e s z k a: “Illus Izauryjczyk wobec uzurpacji Bazyliskosa.”

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis, Folia historica, vol. 80, 2005, pp. 45—53.

52 On Leontios see The Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire. Ed. by J.R. M a r t i n -d a l e. Vol. 2, Cambri-dge 1980, pp. 670—671.

53 Cf. The Prosopography..., pp. 1127—1128.

54 Cf. The Prosopography..., pp. 590—591.

July 484 at Tarsus.55 As it appears, the foremost stronghold of Illus was Isauria, not Syria, where he had failed to gain broader support,56 which forced him to concentrate his military action in Cilicia — where he had suffered defeat, how-ever, by Zeno’s troops at Seleucia and had to retreat to the Isaurian fortress of Cherris-Papirion (now Tschandyr-Kalessi).57 The revolt of Illus was, therefore, an Isaurian rebellion against an Isaurian ruler. After the fall of the rebellion the last stand of resistance was the Isaurian fortress of Papirion, where the leaders of the rebellion continued their defence for another four years.58 John of Antioch, in his description of the rebellion, writes that the huge resources accumulated by Illus were given over by Zeno to the Isaurian cities. I think that the numerous church foundations, scattered all over the region, should be regarded as connected with this event.59

This thesis is supported also by the fact, as observed by Michael Gough, of the presence, in the Isaurian churches at Corycus and Karlk, whose foundation is attributed to Zeno, as well as in the church at Ayaş, of the mosaics with the motif of the Peaceful Kingdom, referring to Isaiah (Is XI, 6—7). These mosaics were linked by the author to the Henoticon, issued by the emperor in 482, as they were, in Gough’s opinion, to serve as propaganda illustration of the reli-gious policy of the emperor, who wanted to contribute to the reconciliation of the divided Church.60 The thesis does not explain, however, why the mosaics of this type are found in the region of Isauria, as the Henoticon was a document addressed to the Church in Egypt — and there is no evidence to suggest that

55 Cf. John of Antioch, fr. 306, ed. U. R o b e r t o. Berlin—New—York 2005, p. 520. Cf.

also The Prosopography..., pp. 670—671 and Histoire du Bas-Empire. Vol. 2, De la disparition de l’Empire d’Occident à la mort de Justinien (476—565). Paris—Bruxelles—Amsterdam 1949, pp. 28—29.

56 See Theophanes AM 5976, pp. 129—130 who writes about Illus’ failed attempt to gain the support of the inhabitants of Chalcis; Joshua the Stylite 16. Ed. by F.R. T r o m b l e y, J.W. Wa t t, Liverpool 2000, p. 15 mentions the inhabitants of Edessa, who refused to support Illus.

57 Cf. Joshua the Stylite 17, pp. 15—16; John of Antioch fr. 306, pp. 520—526 and R.C. M c C a i l: “P. Gr. Vindob. 29788C: hexameter encomium on an un-named emperor.” Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. 98 (1978), p. 54.

58 On the fortress, see J. G o t t w a l d: “Die Kirche und das Schloss Paperon in Kilikisch-Armenien.” Byzantinische Zeitschrift, Bd. 36, 1936, pp. 86—100.

59 Cf. John of Antioch, fr. 306, p. 518. The restoration of one church and the erection of another one, thanks to Zeno’s support, at Dağ Pazarı, and therefore probably at the ancient Dalisandos, where the usurper Leontios had supposedly come from, and where Illus had alleg-edly kept in custody the widow of the emperor Leo I — Verina, seems to confirm this thesis, cf. K. Tw a r d o w s k a: Cesarzowe bizantyjskie 2 poł. V w. Kobiety a władza. Kraków 2006, p. 164.

60 Cf. M. G o u g h: “The Emperor Zeno”..., pp. 210—212. This view has been supported by Stephen Hill, cf. S. H i l l: The Early Byzantine Churches..., p. 53, who has suggested also that the motif from Isaiah is at the same time a reference made to paradeisos — the birds’ garden, whose existence has been confirmed at the sanctuary of St. Thecla at Seleucia of Isauria.

it was intended to serve, during Zeno’s reign, as a universal document for the entire Church.61

In my opinion, these mosaics have no relation to the Henoticon and they should be connected to the emperor’s attempt to pacify the province whose representatives had widely supported Illus’ rebellion in 484. As has been shown by Noel Lenski, the inhabitants of the emperor Zeno’s home province had been the most serious threat to his power.62 If the connection between the inscription dating the mosaic in the church at Karlık to the 13th indiction and the year 491 is correct, it would confirm our assumptions concerning the relation existing between the mosaics with the Peaceful Kingdom motif and the suppression of Illus’ rebellion, not the Henoticon, which was earlier by nearly a decade.

The mosaics, commemorating the re-establishment of the peace in Isauria after the revolt of Illus, as well as the numerous donations for the building of new temples, financed at least in part from the property of the rebellion leader, and handed over to the Isaurian cities, demonstrate that Zeno, in his financial support for the extensive building enterprises in his home province, was guided not so much by his sentiments as by the political necessity of gaining the favour of the Isaurian clans.

61 Cf. R. K o s i ń s k i: “Kilka uwag o Henotikonie i domniemanym zwrocie w polityce re-ligijnej cesarza Zenona”. In: Społeczeństwo i religia w świetle antycznym. Red. S. O l s z a n i e c, P. Wo j c i e c h o w s k i. Toruń 2010, pp. 433—451.

62 Cf. N. L e n s k i: “Assimilation and Revolt in the Territory of Isauria..., pp. 427—428.

Translated by Marcin Fijak

Rafał Kosiński

NOSTALGIA CZY POLITYCZNA KONIECZNOŚć?

TŁO LICZNYCH FUNDACJI CESARZA ZENONA W IZAURII S t r e s z c z e n i e

Cesarz Zenon skupiał swą aktywność budowlaną w Cylicji i jej najbliższym rejonie — w północnej Syrii oraz na Cyprze, gdzie władca koncentrował się na budowie mniejszej liczby znaczniejszych budowli. Wyjątek od tej reguły stanowi Izauria, gdzie przypisuje się działalności budowlanej Zenona większą liczbę mniejszych budowli, datowanych na podstawie wyników badań archeologicznych na schyłek V wieku. Wydaje się, że zaangażowanie finansowe Zenona w Izaurii nie wynikało jedynie z sentymentu władcy do rodzinnej krainy. Bardziej prawdopodobne były przyczyny polityczne — próba pozyskania przez władcę niespokojnej prowincji w związku z buntem Illusa w latach 484—488, który właśnie w tym rejonie zyskał główne oparcie. Jan

z Antiochii (fr. 306), opisując bunt, podaje, że zgromadzony przez Illusa ogromny majątek Zenon miał po pokonaniu wroga przekazać miastom izauryjskim, z czym, jak sądzę, należy wiązać liczne, rozproszone po całej Izaurii, fundacje kościelne. Tezę tę wspiera również, zaobserwowany przez Michaela Gougha, fakt występowania w niektórych kościołach izauryjskich mozaik z motywem

„Królestwa Pokoju”, nawiązujących do księgi Izajasza (Iz XI, 1—9). Mozaiki te badacz powiązał z wydanym przez cesarza w 482 roku Henotikonem, uważam jednak, że mozaiki te należy łączyć nie z dokumentem z 482 roku, lecz z próbą spacyfikowania przez cesarza Izaurii po stłumieniu bunt Illusa w 484 roku i pozyskania dla siebie poparcia izauryjskich klanów.

Rafał Kosiński

LA NOSTALGIE OU LA NéCESSITé POLITIQUE ?

LE FOND DE NOMBREUSES FONDATIONS DE L’EMPEREUR ZéNON EN ISAURIE R é s u m é

L’empereur Zénon concentrait son activité de construction en Cilicie et dans la région la plus proche : au nord de la Syrie et à Chypre, où le souverain faisait construire un nombre plus petit des édifices importants. L’Isaurie constitue l’exception de cette règle, car on attribue à Zénon un nombre plus grand des édifices moins importants, qui datent, selon l’examen archéologique, de la fin du Ve siècle. Il semble que l’engagement financier de Zénon en Isaurie ne résultait pas seulement du sentiment de l’empereur envers le pays natal. Les causes politiques — la tentative de l’acquisition de la province agitée à l’occasion de la rébellion d’Illus dans les années 484—

488, qui a reçu le soutient avant tout dans cette région, semble plus probable. Jean d’Antioche (fr. 306), dit en décrivant la rébellion que Zénon, après avoir vaincu l’ennemi, a offert la fortune énorme d’Illus aux villes d’Isaurie, ce qui explique, selon l’auteur, de nombreuses fondations ecclésiastiques, dispersées dans toute la région. Cette hypothèse est soutenue par le fait, observé par Michael Gough, de la présence dans certaines églises d’Isaurie des mosaïques avec le motif du « Royaume de la Paix », faisant allusion au Livre d’Isaïe (Isaïe XI, 1—9). Le chercheur lie ces mosaïques avec L’Henotikon, publié par l’empereur en 482, mais selon l’auteur elles sont inspirées non par le document de l’an 482, mais par la tentative de pacifier Isaurie par l’empereur après la défaite de la rébellion d’Illus en 484, et de gagner l’appui des clans d’Isaurie.

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