ORCID 0000-0002-5613-3983
Aminu Kano College of Islamic and Legal Studies, Kano
The function of nonverbal regulators in Hausa
face-to-face interaction
Abstract
The structure of conversation is a subject of many empirical researches along the Conversa- tional Analytical point of view. Scholars have agreed that nonverbal signals which are called regu- lators act as a kind of traffi c signals that aid in the fl ow of interactions. This paper studies the use of nonverbal regulators in Hausa social interactions, through the use of data consisting of natural face-to-face interactions taken from multiple settings. The research discovers that Hausa peoples’
interaction, especially in face-to-face settings, is marred with diff erent gestures and postures acting as conversational regulators. Beyond regulating the interaction, these gestures and postures contribute to meaning making and infl uence communication outcomes.
Keywords: Hausa, Nigeria, gestures, face-to-face interaction, regulators
1. Nonverbal regulators
In our everyday social interactions we communicate through verbal and nonverbal mode, which may complement, substitute, accentuate, repeat, regulate and stand in oppo- sition to the verbal form of communication. Duncan (1972) maintains that conversation should be an activity organized in such a way that participants interact without bumping into each other. The organized way of communication requires the use of behavioral sig- nals that serve as turn-taking mechanisms. Gestures or body postures that help us control and understand the conversation better, i.e. they regulate conversational fl ow are referred to as regulators (Ekman & Friesen 1969). Regulators include nodding, leaning forward and raising eyebrows among others. Regulators are sometimes referred to as turn-taking signals because they are used to decide who and when should speak. For example, we use hand signals to indicate that we fi nished talking; we may select the next speaker by using the gaze. Ekman (2004: 44) notes that there are signals the speaker makes to prevent others from speaking, such as ‘holding a hand out’ and he names them ‘fl oor holders’.
There are also ‘turn seekers’ responses that take place when the listener attempts to gain the fl oor. An example of a ‘turn seeker’ is the situation when a person almost raises from a chair.
2. Data and methodology
The data presented in this paper was gathered through video recording of natural face-to- face interactions that took place at school or during wedding ceremonies. Students of Aminu Kano College of Islamic Studies Kano were videotaped while interacting after their exams.
The wedding ceremony took place in Kano Municipal in March 2017. The respondents were between the ages of 18 and 35. Most of the videos were taken by volunteers while the researcher remained a non-participant observer. Some respondents knew they were being recorded, others were taken unaware. However, even those aware of the recording did not know the purpose of the video. The length of the videos varies according to the duration of the interaction. The total time of videos is 30 minutes. In order to see how verbal and nonverbal forms intertwine in meaning making, the video recording was transcribed using Gail Jeff erson’s Transcription Notation provided in Mazeland (2006) and Jenks (2011). The data were scrutinized in accordance with Conversational Analysis (CA) (Sacks, Schegloff , et al. 1974). The main goal of CA is to describe the intertwined construction of practices, actions, activities and the overall structure of interaction.The symbols used for transcription are the following:
= when one speaker follows the utterance of another speaker without a pause.
rise in pitch
fall in pitch
word underlining signal salient stress
wor:d a colon renders a noticeable sound stretch
° ° softer utterance (xxxxx) unclear utterance (.) a short pause
(word) description of nonverbal conduct is placed in parenthesis
3. Use of regulators
Regulation of interaction may be used by the speaker or by the hearer. The speaker uses hand gestures, vocalic cues and postures to explain, illustrate or emphasize what is being said verbally. The listener may in turn use nonverbal signals such as nodding, gaze, facial expressions and postural shifts as feedback mechanisms controlling the behavior of the speaker.
3.1. Regulators to mark the beginning of interaction
Nonverbal signals set the stage helping to start any face-to-face interaction or guiding the interlocutors on how to behave (Burgoon Guerrero & Floyd 2016). A Hausa proverb shimfi ɗar fuska ta fi shimfi ɗar tabarma‘a welcoming face is better than spreading a mat’
indicate that from the facial expression of a host, the guest may understand whether he/
she is welcome or not. Often, when we intend to interact with others, we do not form a verbal message like ‘come on, let us sit and talk’, but rather use nonverbal signals. Facial
expressions such as kallo‘gaze’ or murmushi ‘smile’ as well as vocalic signals: gyaran murya
‘clearing the throat’ are conversational starters. However, their use depends on the context and interactional partner. For instance, same-sex friends encounter may just require the use of gaze to invite an interlocutor to start a conversation (Adamu 2019), but an elderly man willing to interact with a woman, especially a divorcee, may use gyaran murya ‘clearing the throat’ to make his presence known and to start a conversation (Adamu 2018). An example found in the collected data is using murmushi ‘smile’ as a conversational starter.
The short interaction shown in Extract 1 was captured at the wedding event.
Fig 1. murmushi (smiling)
Extract (1). A short interaction between a woman and a girl. Background information:
A girl called Amira entered a room full of guests at the wedding ceremony; a woman (Anti) sitting inside the room smiled and the girl went straight to her.
1 Anti: (gazes at Amira)
2 Anti: a’a ke kaɗai? (while smiling) no 2SG.F alone
‘you are alone?’
(.)
3 Amira: (she kneels down, in front of Anti) 4 Amira: eh Umma tana tahowa tana baya
yes U. 3SG.F.IPFV coming 3SG.F.IPFV back
‘yes Umma is coming she is behind’
(.) 5 Amira: ina wuni?
how spending.day ‘good afternoon’
6 Anti: lafi ya lau
health IDEO
‘I am fi ne’
7 Anti: ya makaranta ko ana hutu?
how school Q 4.IPFV break
‘how is school or are you on holiday?’
8 Anti: (she turns her head towards another person) 9 Amira: (stands up and leaves the room)
Amira entered the room fi lled with many women at a wedding ceremonial sitting event, called yini1.When she looked around she noticed the two signals used by Anti: gaze and smile that displayed the willingness to interact with Amira and in this respect served as a conversation opener. The use of these signals by Anti compelled Amira to go straight to her and kneel down to greet her. Although Anti is a friend of Amira’s mother, the girl would not start talking to her without noticing these nonverbal signals.
3.2. Regulators to mark the end of interaction
There are signals that are known to be a part of conversational cessation ritual, which may be used with some degree of awareness by both the speaker and the listener. A speaker may decide to be silent or show a kind of readiness to go. The listener may use postural shifts, he may look at his watch or gaze somewhere. The example of marking the end of the conversation is shown in Extract 2.
Fig 2. kawar-da-kai (gazing away)
Extract (2). Conversation between two sisters. Background information: Aisha waited patiently for her elder sister Bilki in school to get a book from her.
10 Aisha: ga ni ina jiran ki
COP 1SG 1SG.IPFV waiting-GEN 2SG.F
‘I am here waiting for you’
11 (Aisha walks towards Bilki) 12 Bilki: ai na faɗa miki sai gobe
O.yes! 1SG.PF told 2SG.DAT till tomorrow
‘but I told you see you tomorrow’
(.)
13 Aisha: (smiles)°ha:ba°ke kuwa
but.no 2SG.F PART (smiles) ‘°but no° please’
14 Bilki: (turns her head) ke kika sani.
you 2SG.F.PFV.REL know
‘but you know’
1 yini is a wedding event that is carried out indoors. Normally, people sit on mats, chat and have fun while food is being served. This kind of setting is a female aff air, so women interact freely with each other.
Aisha waited for Bilki to get a Hausa novel for her, but Bilki was not willing to give the book to Aisha. She told her to wait until the next day, but Aisha insisted on getting the book that day. Bilki performed the gesture called kawar-da-kai (turning the head aside), which may be interpreted in two ways: either she did not want to talk any longer or she was inconvenienced by Aisha’s request to give her the book and she decided to terminate the interaction.
3.3. Regulators as turn-taking signals
Regulators help in making turn-taking providing an order within the interaction. By using gestures, postures and vocalic signals, interlocutors may show interest in taking over the fl oor, holding on to the talk stage, select the person to speak with or indicate readiness in giving up the fl oor. Hausa people use hand gestures to hold on to the talk or too draw the attention of the other interlocutor in order to emphasize a point. That is why hand gesturing is said to be largely, if not entirely, a speaker’s phenomenon (Yang 2010).
The excerpt 3 shows an example of a signal called ware-yatsu (fi nger spreading) used by Adama as a turn maintaining signal.
Fig 3. ware-yatsu (fi nger spreading)
Extract (3). An interaction between two students in front of the class. Background information: Adama and Hauwa were revising their books just before the exam. They were discussing credit loads and the number of courses they were expected to take.
15Adama: akwai elective a cikin gidan Hausa
COP elective PREP inside-GEN house-GEN Hausa
‘there are elective courses in Hausa Department’
16 Hauwa: nawa ne a can? (pointing at her back) how.many COP.M PREP there
‘how many are there?’
17Adama: ashirin da biyar ne
twenty and fi ve COP.M
‘there are twenty fi ve’
(.)
18 Hauwa: ai kosis ɗin sha takwas ne
o.yes! courses DEF eighteen COP.M
‘these courses are (for) eighteen’
(.)
19 Hauwa: a’a (raises her hand up and spreads her fi ngers while looking in front) ‘no’
20 Adama: ki dai lissafa
2SG.F.SBJV PART count
‘why don’t you count’
Adama mentions that there are courses worth 25 credits in Hausa Department and her interlocutor disagrees with her saying that they are worth 18, which is most unlikely. In order to emphasize her point Adama does ware-yatsu (fi nger spreading). The gesture also gives her a chance to hold the fl oor. Spreading the fi ngers performed by Adama may be interpreted as a beat. It is devoid of any semantic content, but may play a pragmatic function (Holler & Beattle 2002: 31). By spreading the fi ngers and holding the hand horizontally with the palm directed inward, Adama wants to stick to her claim that the courses have twenty fi ve credit loads. Hauwa who notices that Adama is totally in control of the fl oor, waits for her turn. Meanwhile, Adama makes a signal – placing her hand on her lap to display her readiness to hand over the turn to Hauwa.
Extract (4). An interaction between four friends. Background information: Four friends were interacting in school after writing an exam. Ummi who happened to be the one recording the video, and Rabi’a missed their exam and they were trying to put the blame on their friends Bintaand Hadiza:
Fig 4. zumɓura-baki (pouting; inverting the mouth in an upside down “u” shape) 21 Rabi’a: Binta (.) ba ki da mutunci ko ki yi mana waya ba mu yi jarrabawa ba.
B. NEG 2SG.F with humanity PART 2SG.F do 1PL.DAT telephone NEG 1PL.F do exam NEG
‘Binta (.) you are irresponsible you did not call us we missed our exams’
22 Hadiza: (xxxxx)
23 Binta: (opens her mouth)
24 Binta: aka ce kun yi (she widens her pupils) = 4.PFV.REL say 2.PL.PFV do
‘they said you did it’
25 Hadiza: = aka ce kun yi
4.PFV.REL. say 2.PL.PFV do
‘they said you did it’
26 Binta: (tilted her head)
27 Hadiza: Ummi aka ce a jira sai sha ɗaya za mu shiga, kuma aka ce Rabia ta/yi
U. 4.PFV.REL say 4.SBJV wait till eleven FUT 1PL enter PART 4PFV.REL say R.
3SG.F.PFV do
‘Ummi they said to wait till eleven to enter and I was told Rabi’a did it’
(.)
28 Binta: Rabi’a(she lowered her face, frowned and pointed to the place with her hand) ni kuma a cikin nan na gan ki
R. 1SG 1SG PREP inside-GEN here 1SG.PFV see 2SG.F
‘but I saw you there’
29 Rabi’a: ahhhhh
30 Binta: (opens her mouth)
31 Hadiza: (pouts and turns her head aside)
The interactional fl ow in Extract 4 is heavily based on gestures. When Rabi’a starts blaming Binta for not telling her about the exam, Hadiza whispers something. Binta who can hear it opens her mouth widely. Opening mouth in Hausa culture is an indication of surprise. In Extract 4 it is followed by a verbal comment uttered in chorus by Binta and Hadiza: ‘they said you did it’. When uttering this fragment Binta opens her eyes very widely performing a gesture called zare-ido. Zare-ido usually expresses surprise or fear. In this instance, its meaning is not explicit. Perhaps she is surprised and vexed at the same time being conscious of the fact that her classmate missed an exam and now she is the one to be blamed. Binta tilted her head a bit, showing a sign of helplessness and willingness to give up her turn. Hadiza used the opportunity and took up the turn saying that we were told to wait till 11 to enter and they were also told that Rabi’a had written the exam’.
Binta claims a turn and utters the name ‘Rabi’a’ with a high pitch and then she lowers her frowned face as an indication of helplessness. She also points at the place of exam saying:
‘but I saw you there’. Rabi’a utters a vocalic signal ‘ahhhhh’ used when someone is in dire situation. As a result of the vocalic signal uttered by Rabi’a, Binta opens her mouth once again. Hadiza pouts and turns her head to the side (kawar-da-kai) performing the same gesture as shown in Figure 2. Pouting called zumɓura-baki (the mouth is inverted in an upside down “u” shape) is used to replace speech and expresses condemnation, anger, disagreement, disregard or just pretending to be ill tempered. It is often accompanied by kawar-da-kai (turning the head aside). Hadiza used the gestures to indicate condemna- tion over what happened. She was also not happy about Rabi’a trying to put the blame on them, and she was conscious of the fact that the attempt to show their guiltlessness proved abortive.
Extract (5). Backround information: The event took place at school among the men who happen to be course mates. Anas, the class representative and Bala were searching for course material. Anas fi nally got hold of the material, made copies and distributed them to some of his class members. Bala was not given a copy.
32 Anas: kana can kana bacci
2SG.IPFV there 2SG.IPFV sleeping ‘you are sleeping’
33 Bala: (put his hand on his waist called kama ƙugu shifting his weight on one leg while listening attentively to Anas)
Fig 5. kama ƙugu (akimbo) and kama-gemu (beard stroking) 34 Hassan: me ya faru?
what 3SG.M.PFV happen
‘what happened?’
35Anas: (stroked his beard)
36Anas: yanzu akwai wani za mu ba ka
now COP certain FUT 1PL give 2SG.M
‘now there is one we will give you’
37 Anas: (removed his hand from his face and pointed to the right) 38 Bala: (released his waist and stood straight)
39 Bala: an yi baccin sai ka ce ba tare muka nemo ba
4.PFV do sleeping until 2SG.M.PFV say NEG together 1PL.PFV.REL search NEG
‘I slept as if we were not looking [for it] together’
Bala came to school late only to discover that Anas got the material they had struggled to get, made copies and distributed them all without reserving one copy for him. Bala performed kama-ƙugu (akimbo) by placing hand on the hip. By doing one hand akimbo gesture and staring at the speaker, he indicates his attentiveness and not being ready to take a turn. He also shows that he has interest in the ongoing discussion. When Anas is asked by another man about what happened he performs kama-gemu (beard stroking gesture) followed by a short pause. Kama-gemu is purely a male gesture used by the listener as a feedback mechanism. The gesture is made by caressing one’s beard with the fi ngers. The beard stroking indicates that Anas is thinking hard and fast about the situation at hand. It can also be an attempt to yield his turn to Bala who is, however, unwilling to take it. The moment Bala is ready to take the turn, he takes a diff erent posture – he stands straight releasing his hand from his waist; it serves as a turn-seeker response.
4. Conclusion
The paper shows the signifi cance of nonverbal signals in Hausa social setting. Non- verbal signals continue to negotiate meaning and structure of verbal exchange. However, nonverbal regulators cannot be studied out of context. One has to consider many factors when deciphering such kind of signals: the relationship between the participants, previous interaction that may aff ect the meaning of the current interaction, physical setting and
fi nally the mood and temperament of the interlocutors. Depending on the communication context, regulators can be used as a substitute for verbal expression or as an emphasis of a verbal statement. However, one may choose to rely on verbal messages to serve the same purpose of interactional regulation, which could unequivocally replace gestural regulators in some given instances though hardly the vocalic ones.
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