Was Tacitus right? On the existence of hitting weapons of organic materials amongst the Balt tribes

Beitrri

ge

zur

Ur- und Frtihgeschichte

Mitteleurop

as

79

\{affen-Gewalt-Krieg

Beitrźige

zur

Internationalen

Tagung

der

AG

Eisenzeit

und

des

Instytut

Archeologii Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego

-RzeszÓw

19

.-22.

Septemb

er 201Ż

Herausgegeben

von

Stefanie

Wefers,

Maciej Karwowski,

_Janine

Fries-Knoblaclu

Peter Trebsche & Peter C.

Ramsl

BEIER &

BERAN.

łncHAoLoGISCHE

FACHLITERATUR

BUFM 79, Kontny, ,,Was Tacitus right?" , 271-283

271

Bartosz

Konhry

Was Tacitus

right? On

the

existence

of

hitting weapons

of

organic

materials amongst

the

BąIt tribes

Keynoords: Aestii / fustis / club _/ West Balt Circle

/

West Balt Barroros Culture / Tacitus

SchlagroÓrter: Aestii / fustis

/

Keule / ruestbaltisclrc

Kulturkreis

_/

Kultur der zoestbaltisclrcn

Higel-grciber _/ Tacitus

Summary

The article is meant as a colrunentary to the

refer-ence in Tacitus (Germania 45,3) to'fustis', i.e., a

non-metal hauma weapon of the BaltAestiiwho

have been identified with the Dollkeim-Kovrovo Culture. The word/usfls was understood by the

Romans as a straight or a wavy stick. From the

surviving Roman soldiers' gravestones, the

fus-tis appears to have been used as a coercive

meas-ure,

in

restraining an unruly crowd or during tax collecting. The written and the

archaeologi-cal sources are analysed for evidence on the use

of cudgels/clubs fuom the metal age. Examples are invoked from ethnography

of

cudgel use

in hunting and combat (from a distance and at close range). The Balt/zsfls has been interpreted also as a battle axe. The author challenges this

view stressing that in writing of the _fustis

Taci-tus makes it plain that it was not made of metal.

An

argument is made for the use of _fustis as a

hunting cudgel, something that is confirmed in

the West Balt Barrow Culture, the predecessor of

the Dollkeim-Kovrovo Culture. One explanation

is that when Tacifus wrote his account the

lat-ter was still at an early stage when conservative cultural features presumably were still strong;

alternatively the information about _fustis is an archaism drawn from the period of the West Balt Barrow Culfure.

Zusammenfassung

Der

Artikel ist ein

Kommentar

zur

Uberliefe-rung des Tacitus (Germania 45, 3) tiber ,,fvst:rs",

d.

h.

nicht

metallene Schlagwaffen

der

balti-schen Aestii. Dieses Volk wird mit der

Dollkeim-Kovrovo-Kultur verbunden. Unter dem Begriff

fustis

verstanden

die

RÓmer

einen

geraden oder wellig gebogenen Stock. Erhaltene Grab-steine rÓmischer Soldaten zeigen, dass

er

als

eine direkte Zwangsma8nahme zur Bżndigung

von Menschenmengen oder w;ihrend der

Steu-ererhebung diente. Es werden schriftliche und archiiologische Quellen analysiert, die Anwen-dung von Kntippeln/Keulen

in

der Metallzeit darstellen. Zudem werden ethnografische

Bei-spiele der _Jagd

und

des Nah- sowie Distanz-kampfs angefuhrt. Baltische _fustis wurden als Beile interpretiert. Der Autor stellt diese Ansicht

in Frage, indem er hervorhebt, dass Tacitus diese

Waffe eindeutig als nicht aus Metall gefertigt dargestellt habe. Es

wird

hingegen eine

Hypo-these aufgestellt, _{fustis seien JagdstÓcke,} die in

der westbaltischen Htlgelgreiberkultur, die der Dollkeim-Kovrovo-Kultur vorausging, bezeugt sind. Die Uberlieferung von Tacitus liisst sich in die Entwicklungszeit der letztgenannten

datie-ren, als die konservativen Kulfureigenschaften bestimmt immer noch stark waren, oder die Information iber _{fustis ein} Archaismus sind und

kniipft an die Zerten der westbaltischen Htigel-grźiberkultur an'

Streszczenie

ArĘkuł

stanowi komentarz do przekazu Taryta (Germania 45,3) doĘczącego ,,fustis'', tj.

nieme-talowej broni obuchowej bałtyjskich Aestii.

Lud

ten łączony jest

z

kulfurą

Dollkeim-Kovrovo. Terrrrinfustls Rzymian rozurnieli jako prosĘ lub faliście powyginany

kij.

Zachowane nagrobki

rzymskich

żołnierzy wskazują,

ze

stosowano go jako środek przymusu bezpośredniego do poskramiania tłumu ltrb podczas poboru podat-ków. W artykule analizowane są fuÓdła pisane

i

archeolo gicz ne, ukazujące zas tos owanie pałek/

TnaCZug

z

epok metali. Przytoczono także ptzy-kłady etnogtahczne polowania

i

walki pałką (z

BUFM 79, Kontny, ,,Was Tacitus right?", 271-283 272

dystansu

i

wręcz). Bałtyjskie _fustis interpreto-wano niekiedy jako topory. Autor kwestionuje ten pogląd, podkreślając, że Tacyt jednoznacz_

nie ukazał tę broń jako niewykonaną z metalu' Postawiona jest _{natomiast hipoteza, że fustis}

to pałki myśliwskie, poŚwiadczone w kulfurze

kurhanów

zachodniobałtyjskich, poprzedzają-cej kulfurę Dollkeim-Kovrovo' Przekaz Tacyta datować mozna na Czasy kształtowania się tej

ostatniej, kiedy to konserwatywne cechy kultu-rowe były _1eszcze zapewne silne, albo

informa-cja o _fustis jest w istocie archaizmem i wiąze się

olta

z

czasanri kulfury kurhanów zachodniobał-Ęjskich.

Roman historiary

T""i;;

lrror" in

his famous

work

De ońgine et situ _{4erftułnoruffi} (Gerłnania;

published

in

AD

98) short descriptions of dif-ferent Barbarian tribes, among them unclear characteristics

of

Aestii.

They

are

identified

with inhabitants of the Sambian Peninsula and neighbouring lands, i.e. the Dollkeim-Kovrovo

culture (Nowakowski 1994, 379; 2008, 45-47;

Kolendo 2008b, 21) blossoming

in

the Roman Period and owing its status to nafural resources,

i.e. amber, very popular in the Roman Empire.

The

depiction

of

Aestii

is

quite precise and embraces a few details concerning even their language. Therefore

it

seems that they were known to Romans quite well, probably because

of the fact that they lived at the end of the amber

route so Roman merchants had to contact them

quite fuequently (Kolendo 1998,34; 2008a,176;

2008b' 20-Ż5). Tacitus noted that Aestii

nrely

used iron, more frequently sticks (fustis).\ The

notion fustis cottld be translated as a bat, stick or club.2 One cannot exclude the fact that the

information given

by

Tacitus \Ą/as one

of

the

topoi so abundant in Gennanią. It is thought that

actually Tacitus did not mean'iron'

but'weap-ons' (Lund 1988, 233; Nowakowski 1994, 281), as

there

is

substantial proof that iron production was known to Balt tribes (Nowakowski 2002).

It stands

in

agreement

with

another fragment of the work in which Tacifus ciaimed that

Ger-mans rareĘ used ilon as one can conclude from

their weapons; only less frequent was the use of swords or larger lances.3 However, I personally

1

Tac., Cerm., 45,3: "rams ferri, frequens fustium usus";

"Tireir weapons are chiefly clubs, iron belng liitle used among them" (trans1. E. Brooks _|r.).

2

I am very grateful to Prof. Adam Łajtar and Tomasz Płócierrnik M.A. (both from the Institute of Archaeoiogy, University of Warsaw) for their help in untlerstancling the correct meaning of ancient Greek and Latln texts usecl in my

paper.

think that it need not be a topos, firstly because

Tacitus gave

so

many

detailed observations

of Aestii, secondly as

iron

- compared

to

the

neighbouring cultures, namely the Przeworsk Culture

_-

was actually less abundant. Finally, Tacitus frequently drew attention to weapons

to present differences between pałticular tribes

(e. g. short swords and circular shields of Cotones,

Rugii and Lełuovi,i,4 black weapons of Hańi,S the

infantry of Chatti6 or the cavalry of TencteriiT).

Therefore non-iron/usfz's seems not to be a

liter-ary exaggeration.

How

to explain this phenomenon? Archae-ologists _{hied to identtĘ fustls with} axes (Nowa-kowski 1994, 389 ; 2002, 155 ; Ż006, 75-7 6) which,

in their general view, were more wooden than iron. Nevertheless, I personally think that such

a

hypothesis

is

not true as

it

denies Tacitus' professional knowledge:

it

is

obvious that a

large amount of iron is needed to make an axe.

This is even corroborated by the term used by the _{Roman historian: fustis} rneans stick or bat,

used

by

Roman military forces during differ-ent police actions (Speidel 1993; see Kolendo

2008a, 179). They were depicted on soldiers' ste-lae, e. g. M. Aurelius Lucianus in Rome (Fig. 1,1),

Hyacintus,

C.

Iulius

Dapnus

and

Balaterus

in

Caesarea or the gravestone of a praetorian from Rome, all dated to the 1't c.

AD

(Speidel 1993 Figs. 1-5),

so

concurrently

with

Tacitus'

work. Drawing a conclusion from their

repre-sentations, one can imagine fustis as a straigl'rt

or

slightly curved stick, rather not thickened

at the end and this

is

probably what Tacitus

meant. Written sources confirm their usefulness

to disperse the mob, e. g. during Caligula's reign

3

Tac., Gernł', 6: "Ne ferrum quidem superest, sicut ex genere telorum colligitur. rari gladii aut llaioribus lanceis utuntur"; "Even iron is not plentiful among them; as may be

inferred frorn the nafure of their weapons. Swords or broad

lances are seldom used" (transl. E. Brooks Jr.).

1

Tac., Germ., 14 "omniumque harum gentium insiglle rotunda scuta, breves gladii et erga reges obsequium";

"all these tribes are distinguished by round shields, short swołds, and suł:mission to łegalauthority'' _{tłansl. E. Brooks Jr.); see Kontny 2008; Kolendo 2808a,172.

5

Tac'' Gern., 43 "nigra scutą tincta corpora; atras ad proelia noctes legunt"; "Tireir shields are black; their bodies

painted: they choose the darkest nights for an attack" (transl.

E. Brooks Jr).

6

Tac., Gern.,30 "omle robur in pedite, quem super arma

ferramentis quoque et copiis onerant"; "Their force consists entilely in infaniry; who, besides their arms, are obliged to

carry tools and provisions" (transl. E. Brooks _Jr).

7

Tac., Gerłn.,32: "Tencteri super solitum bellorum decus equestris disciplinae arte praecellunt, nec maior apud

Chat-tos peditum laus quam Tencteris equitum"; "The latter

peo-p1e [Tencteri], in additior-r to the usual military reputatioą

are famed for the discipline of their cavalry; nor is the infan-try of the Chatti in higher estimaiion than the horse of the

BUFM 79, Kontnlł, ,,Wąs Tacitus rigllt?", 271_283

B

Suetonius, Caligula 26, 4: "Simili superbia violentiaque

ceteros tractavit ordines. Inquietatus fremitu gratuita in Circo

loca de media nocte occupantium, omnis fustibus abegi! elisi

per eum tumultum viginti amplius equites R., totidem mat-ronae, super innumeram turbam ceteram"; "Being disturbed

Fig. L. Iconographical examples of clubs: 1' grauestone of M. Aurelilrs Lucianus in Rorue; 2 hnage on ą sihtlil

from Welzelach, Cent _' Virgen, 7rąue 23; 3 inage of Cenuanic _{ruarriors f'rottt} Trajan's Colunln, scene XXXVIIl; 4 iłruge of Gernnnic _{lL|arńor rt'otlI} Trajan's ColulIIn, sCene XXIv.

mobs

in

turmoil

in

the circus were scattered

brutally with the use of _{fitstis and dozens were}

killed (Speid eI 1993, 137).8 Aithough sometimes

deadly it was better for harassing people than a

274 BUFM 79, Kontny, ,,Was Tacitus rigltt?", 271-283

Thus it was employed also to 'help' in collecting

taxes (gravestones showing soldiers with a wax

tablet and _/usfls are known flom Rome, i. e. ste-lae of Galatus, but also from Corinth, Pireus and from the gravestone of Saturninus in Auzia

in

Mauretania Caesariensis (Speidel 1993, 144-149

Figs.6-9).

Apart

ftorn _fiłstis, ancient sources confirm

two basic _Ępes of orgarric hitting ]^/eapons/

com-parable to it. These are claaa and cateia (caia).For

example Vergil in Aeneid (1't c. BC) claims that Teutons, i. e. Germans' used to hurl cąteią'9 Silri:us

Italicus1o (1"tc' AD) menfions clauąe as a weapon

of warriors from Buxenfum

in

southern

Luka-nia; curved cąteiąwete used by Hannibal's allies from the River Cinyphs basin (today:

Wad-Qua-ham in north Libia).t1 Valerius Flaccus (1"tc. AD)

enlisting Meotian tribes fighting against Jason,

quotes that one of them used tents on wagons from which their youngsters threw cateia at łhe

enemy.1z Most important here is a description

by the noise made by those who came in the middle of the

night to secure the free seats in the Circus, he drove them all

out with cudgels; in the confusion more than twenty Roman knights were crushed to deatl'r, with as marry matrons and a

countless number of others" (transl. |. C. Rolfe).

9

Vergilius,Aeneida,YIL,740:

"et quos maliferae despectant moenia Abellae, Teutonico ritu soliti torquere cateias";

"O'er Batulum, and where Abella sees,

From her high tow'rs, the harvest of her trees.

And these (as was the Teuton use of old) Wield brazen swords, and brazen bucklers hold;

Sling weighty stones, when from afar they fight" (transl.

j. Dryden). Naturally, the tranlation is not adequate as it

does not refer to the word's meaning; definitely cateia does

not mean "stone".

10 Silius Italicus, Punica YIII, 584:.

"{...) eL quae Buxentia pubes aptabat dextrĘ irrasae robora

clavae."; "(...) and the rough oaken clubs which the men

from Buxentum suited to their grasp" (transl. f. D. Duf$.

11 Sil. 1ta1., Pun,Iil,274-275:

"tum prirnum castris Phoenicium tendere ritu Cinyphii didicere Macae; squalentia barba ora viris, humerosque tegunt velamine capri

saetigero; panda manus est armata cateia"i "Then first the

Macae, fł:ołł't the river Cinyphs, learłred how to pitcłr tents

in their camp in Phoenician fashion - shaggy bearded meą

whose backs are covered with bristling hide of a wild goat,

and the weapoll they carry is a curvecl javelin" (transl.

).D.Duff). - Obviously the term "javelin" is improper here

as this kincl of shafted weapon cannot be curved.

12 Valerius Flaccus, Argonauticn,YI, 83:

"quin et ab Hyrcanis Titanius expuiit antris Cyris in amra viros, plaustrisque ad proelia cunctas Coelaletae traxere manus; ibi sutilis iilis

est domus et crudo residens sub vellere coniunx

et puer e primo torquens temone cateias"; "Moreover,

Tita-rriarr Cyłis drove fortir lris trren to arlrrs fronr Hyrcarriarr glens, and the Coelaletae brought all their troops in waggons

to the fighf there sewn skins make homes for them, and tireir ił,ives sit beneath raw hides while the lads hur} javelins from

the end of the waggon-pole" (transl. l. H. Mozley).

given by Isidore of Seville (before AD 636).

Hav-ing

in

mind different ancient sources he

iden-ttfted ctąaa with Hercules' club' bristling with

1.5 foot long nails (claaes)

_-

hence the name.

A

weapon of the same

_Ępe

_{was - in his opinion}

-also cełteią ot Caia by Horace. It was part of the armament of Franks in Gaul; in Spain they were named Teutones, after their Germanic origin. It

was harcl and heavy, which made its range lim-ited but its impetus must have been huge while hitting. Its most interesting tu'ait was that a

skil-ful

thrower could make

it

turn back.14 That is why some scholars treated cateia as a boomerang

-

in

written sources known as aclys (Ferguson

1843, 23-24)

-

but also a javelin (Birkhan 1997,

11'37), axe oI socketed axe (Dóchelette 1927,

861-863), or even a weapon sirnilar to Rornan

pluru-batae (Kozlenko 2008, 342-343). Ancient authors thought, however, of a club (Serviusl4 and

Isi-dore of Seville1s). Thrown weapons that rnight be similar were described also with the use of

other notions like the Belgian grosphos reported

by Strabol6 _- a kind of a club thrown for hunting

brds.17 Also during the battle Ad Salices in

AD

13 Isidore of Seville, Codex etimologinrun XYIII, T: "Clava est qualis fuit Herculis, dicta quod sit clavis ferreis invicem religata; et est cubito semis facta in longitudine. Haec et cateia, quam Horatius caiam dicit. Est enim genus Gallici teli

ex materia quam maxime lenta, quae iacta quidem non longe propter gravitatern evolat, sed quo pervenit, vi ninlia

per-fringi! quod si ab artifice mittatur, rursum redit ad eum qui

misit. Huic merninit Virgilius dicens (Aen. Z 741): Teutonico ritu soliti torquere cateias. Unde et eos Hispani et Galii tau-tanos vocant"; "A club {claaa) is of the kind that belonged

to Hercules, so called because it is bound with rows of iron nalls (claztus). It is made one and a half cubits long. There

is a javelin called cateia, which Horace calls cnln. It is a type of Gaulish projectile made of the toughest possible wood, which certainly does not fly far when thrown, because of its

weight, but where it reaches it smashes with very great force.

If it is thrown by a skillful man it comes back to the thrower. Vergil records it, saying (Aen. 7.741): Used to hurllng cateiae

in the Teutonic (Teutonicus) manner. Whence the Spanish

and Gauls call tltemtautani" (transl. S. A. Barney, W.J. Lewis,

j. A. Beach, O. Berghof).

14 Servius, Ad Aeneiden, YI1,741.: "Cateias id est hastas. Cateiae lingua Theotisca lrastae dicuntur". If it is to be coher-elrt'trrasta'slrould be urrderstood as a stick {see Speideł 2004,

footnote 33).

15 See footnote 13.

1ó For Polibius it l4/as a kind of javelin with a shaft nrore than two cubits 1ong, used by Roman velites - Polybius,

His-toriae, VI, 22: "td óe tóv ypoorpov pe,\,og 'ćxer tqb pev pqxel

rÓ Ęótrov óg eninov 6inr1xo''; "Tlre spear of the velites has a

wooden haft of about two cublts" (transl. E.S.Shuckburn). Still Strabo meant rather a kind of hurled hunting club as the

javelin wouid be too hard a weapon for birds (Burton 2009, 34; Hurley 2007, 178-179).

17 Strabo, Geogr'IY,4,3: "ón},ropóg 6ć oupperpog Tois r(i}V or,r1róror' peyćBtor pĘorptr płrxpi nop4pr4pevq ntrpi rÓ óeĘrÓv nlsupóv xoi _{0upsÓ5 ;roxpÓg} xoi },óy1ol- <orż troyov

xoi pł6oprq, notrtoo tr ei-6og'xpÓVTol ólxot tóĘorg {vror xoi

orpev6ovor5' śmr 6e tt xci ypoorpr1xorxÓg _Ęóiov ex1srpÓq, oÓx ćĘ oy<Ó\g orprćpevov, r4Xe potróre pov xoi _Betroug, ópoXimo

BUFM 79, Kontny, ,,WasTacitus right?",271-283

275

377, fought between Romans and Goths, Barbar-ians threw big claues, singed (burnt) at both ends,

as reported by Ammianus;18 they attacked from

the camp so they could prepare a great number

of them previously (Speidei 2004, 83).

Unclear data of returning cateia might have given rise to the myth of Mjóllnir, the hammer

of Thor, forged by dwarfs, which, when thrową

never missed the aim and always came back to

its owner (Słupecki 2003,133-134; see Durni'zil

2006, 128-132; Burton 2009, 35).19

Scholars tried to explain

how

cateia cosld

refurn. One may come across explanations that

strings or straps might be fastened to clubs to

avoid the loss of the weapory like ancient Oscli

did with

acĘs20 (Speidel 2004, 83, 218). The

same method was documented, for example, for inhabitants

of

Hawaii, described

by

ethnogra-phers (Arning 1931, 57).21

Taking into consideration the weight of a club,

as underlined by Isidore, it seems impossible to

throw the weapon just iike a boomerang, which was quite a precise and well balanced utensil.

Moreover, the spin throwing technique was not very accwate so it was used simply for show or possibly for hunting birds (see Blackmore 2000, 335), not for fighting. On the other hand simpler thrown sticks or clubs (also

slighĘ

curved but

not returning) were very popular

in

different

parts of the world for hunting as wel1as for

fight-Ko) npÓs rog tóv ópvśtov Xpóvtq1 0łpcs''; "The equipment

[of the Gauls] is in keeping with the size of their bodies; they have a long sword hanging at their right side, a long shield,

arrd larrces ilr proportioą togetlrer with a rnadaris somewlrat resembling a javelin; some of them also use bows and slings;

tlrey have also a piece of wood resembling a piltm(grosphos), which they hurl not out of a thong, but from their hand, and to a farther distance than an arrow. They principally make use of it in shooting birds" (transl. H. C. Hamilton).

18 Anrnrianus Marcellinus, Res gestae, XXX|7,72:.

"Barba-rique ut reparabiles semper et celeres, ingentes clavas in

nos-tros conicientes ambustas mucronesque acrius resistentium pectoribus inlidentes"; "The barbarians, who are always

alert and nimble, threw at our nlen huge clubs, hardened in the fire, and ran their swords through the breasts of those

who showed most resistance" (transl. J.C.Rolfe).

19 Similar actiorrs characterised łhe iłon clutr lorg of the Celtic (Irish) deity Dagda (de Vries 1977,46j.

20 Vergil., 4en.,Yil,715-34:

"Oscorumque malrus. teretes sunt aclydes illis

tela, sed haec lento mos est aptare flagello;

laevas caetra tegit, falcati comminus enses";

"Cales' and Osca's old inhabitants, And rough Saticuians, inur'd to wants:

Light demi-lances from afar they throw, Fasten'd with leathern thongs, to gall tire foe.

Short crooked swords in closer fight they wear" (transl. J.

Dryden).

21 A similar explanation was proposerl also by Maurus Seruius Honoratus (4'h c. AD), who commer-rted on Virgil's

mention of Germanic club throwers: Serv., ad Aen., YII,741: "quas in hostem iaculantes lineis, quibus eas adnexuerant,

reciprocas faciebant".

ing _$Ahns 1899,156-'1.61PI. VI-VIII). They easily

broke an enemy's or animal's limbs, which made

escape a terrible task (Blackmore 2000,335). That was how south Afr'ican hunting knobkerń and

/uł18ą wotked (Blackmore 2000, 334 Fig. 134) but

one may mention also thrown fighting sticks of

the Zulu tribe (Morris 1966, 47, 69) and the Mas-sai (Saitoti/Beckwith 1985, 12A, 140, 146), aburi

clubs of Tuaregs (Nicolaisen 1963,170 Fig.1Ża), kełri of Bushmen or nulla from Australia (Jźihns

1899, 161). North American Indians used clubs

for

fighting railrer than

for

hunting, both for throwing and hitting (Driver 1961, 59,368, 380),

but also for torturing prisoners of war in a way

that resembles the communist militia technique,

i. e. hitting by men arranged in two rows between

which the victim was running (Driver 1961,375).

They were known as a fighting weapon inBrazi!, Polynesia, New Zealand or the Fiji Islands (Jżihns

1899, 156-161, 206-207; Burton 2009, 39-51). In the Slavic world clubs were confirmed more as

a hunting Weapon (Moszyński 1929,32-33)'The club was probably also a kind of weapon from which swords evolved.

Butwas italso popular inprehistory? Wehave

at our disposal a few iconographical sources, e. g.

the image on a Hallstatt situla (Fig.1,2) from gtave Ż3

in

Welzelach, Gem. Virgen

in

Tyrol (Ftey Ż01'L, 292 Fig.9,B), showing a hunter chas-ing hares ready to throw or hit the animal. Some

scholars interpret such an artefact as a rattle/ as

similar iterns are shown in the hands of a rnan

driving a hare into a net (trap) presented on a

sit-ula from grave 68 at Certosa, Bologna (Lindner

1937,387 P1s. 30,b, 31,b), although in my opinion

it could also be a club (see Eibner 20A4,623Table

1). Later on, from Trajan's column, erected in

AD

113, we know a few images of Germanic infan-tlymen in Roman service fighting with clubs ąnd shields (Fig.1,3-4): scenes XXIV, XXXVIII and

LXIX (Koeppel1991., 153, 155, L65-L67, 190-191

Figs.17,44, 27,Ż-3,8, 48,19; Krierer 2004, 155).

However, in that case it need not be true: artists

creating the column's reliefs \^/ere not familiar

with the details presented, namely as refers to

Barbarians (Coulston 200& 318-323), so it could represent Roman interpretation of the image of ferocious Germans rather than reality. The club

(baculum) was also used in Carolingian times as

evidenced by Capitulary Aquisgranense from

AD

813 and a unique compilation of Carolingian and

Lombard law, i.e. Liber Papiensis Ludoaici Pi.22

22 Cnpitulare Aquisgranense 1,77,17, _{|ilt.] Monułnenta}

cer-nułnirłe Histarica Ległłn sectio II' tomus I. 17Ż; Liber Papiensis LudoÓici Pll, 3; _[nr:] Monumenta Gernaniae Historica LL IY,

524. However, one should rernark that it rather served as

a supplementary \^/eapoll (see Capełle 1'982, 281,; Coupiand 1990 Foohrote 18).

BUFM 79, Kontny, ,,Was Tncitłłs right?", 271_283 Ż76

3

Fis'2.

lconosrna]ticnlexątttplesof clubs:1represtntntitlnof Bisltopodoft'ottttlrcBayeulTg'pesfuy,Scełje54; 2frutttiłtg sc\tte'fi.ont tlrc Biyeux"Tnpestry, Sct'ne 6;3 at't tlf clubfencing according to laIItoJJer's Mqnual'

BUFM 79, Kontny, ,,Was Tacitus rigttt?,,, 271_2g3

Further images are presented on the late 11th

c. _{Bayeux tapestry (Fig.} Z,1.-2), where a mounted

prince

William

is

pictured, wearing a helmet and cuilass and wielding a c1ub. On one of the

images Bishop Odo accompanies him grasping

a _{sirnilar weapon. Some scholars assumed that} it was a symbol of high status not a real weapon (Capelle 1982, 280 _{Fig.15; Roskoschinski 2btt,}

6

Figs. 12-13).

As

regarc{s Odo, the use

of

a

rvooden club (baculus) _{probably resulted from}

his priesthood

_-

_{as an ecclesiastical person he}

had to avoid shedding blood (the club rather causes

internal

injuries). _{Nevertheless, such}

weapons were surely used for military purposes

in mediaeval times, which is proved by frequent mentions

of

oak clubs

in

Scandinavian sagas (Sandstedt 1992, 97 _-98), descriptions in fencing manuals, e' g. _{Talhoffer's manual kom}

_AD

_146ż

(Fig.2,3), but also wounds spotted on skeletons

of peasant warriors buried after the battle of Visby in AD 1361 _{(Sandstedt1992,9S-99).}

Medi-aeval images of battle clubs are also known from architecfural ornaments, _{like Trani cathedral in}

Italy from the 12th-13ń c. (Sandstedt1992 Fig. s)

or illuminations from the codex with the

Siint

Hedwig Legend from

AD

1353, _{where clubs in}

the hands of Tartars during the battle of Leg-nica

(AD

1Ż41) are shown (Nowakowski 2005'

Figs. 134-135). Mediaeval battle clubs were prob-ably quite popular unless chairr-mail

andśpan-genldrue

_-

_{though not very endurable - were in} use, which changed in the 14th c. (Sanstedt 1992,

99), although we know from written sources and iconography that clubs were sporadically used,

at least in Poland, in the second half of ihe 150'

c. and as regards the peasants' _{infantry even at}

the beginning of the 16ff. c. (Głosek1998,50-51).

Archaeological sources are, unforfunately, rather poor.

Not

mentioning Stone Age clubs (Jantzen

et

al. 2011,423; RoskoschinJki 2011,

4-5 Figs. 10,'1.,3),I _{would like to remind of}

find-ings from a Bronze Age battlefield

in

the

Tol-lense

Valley

in

north-eastern Germany. The

battle took place probably around 1230 -BC, i. e.

Period III of the northern Bronze Age (Jantzen

et _{al. 2011, 427-428 Fig-} 9, Table 1)- Among the

relics two c1ubs _{were found' one-was maóe of}

ash wood (Fraxinus excelsior) and had the shape

of a straight stick, thickened at the end, 73cm

in

length (Fig.3,1).

Another

(Fig.3,2), 65cm long, made of sloe (Prunus spinosa), _{was sirnilar}

in shape to a croquet mallet (Jantzen et aL.2011, 4'22-423 Fig. 5). _{Later use of clubs is proved by}

findings of pear-like club heads from the Wejt Balt Barrows culture lake settlements

(Fig.3,3-7), dated to the _{late Bronze Age and Early lron}

Age (Gackowski 2009, 141-142), e.g. from Lake

Orzysz (Heydeck 1909, 196 Pl. XIX), from pie-czarki, Pozezdtze Com. on Dgał Wielki Lake, as

277

well

as Mołtajny, Barciany com. on Arklickie Lake (Gackowski 2009, 141Fig.1). They were confirmed also for Lusatian cuifure

_-

Biskupią

Gąsawa com' (Hensel 1938, 56 Pl' XLVI,2; iee

Gackowski

2AA9, 141)

or

Mirakowo-Grodno stronghold, Chełmża com. (see Gackowski, in this volume) and Pomeranian culture

_-

Góra-Orle, Wejherowo com. (La Baume 193g,20 Fig.

13,a). As _{regards the later items some scholari}

mentioned (Capelle 1982, 280; Roskoschinski 2011,4-5) the Hjortspring bog find, Sonderborg

Komm. (Fig' 3'9)'

but

specimens found theró

should _{rather be interpreted as wooden ham_} mers (Rosenberg 1997, 1A9

Fig.

39,565; Kaul

2003, 155 Fig. 4,L2). Also other suspected uten_

sils from Scandinavian bog finds should not be

treated as clubs: a wooden piece from Krogs_

bolle, Odense Komm. on Funen (Kjar 1901, ś1

Fig. 30;,see Fig. 3,8) was most probably an ele_

ment of a wheel hoop

(Ęer

1901',52), items of 'delicate wood' from _{Nydam, Sonderborg Komm.}

(Engelhardt 1865, 66 Pl. XV,1 5- 1 6; 1 g66,*80; Bem_

maru-r/Bemmann 1998 PI.3ABZ7) and Thorsberg,

Lkr.

Schleswig _{(Engelhardt 1863 Pl. 16,5; seó}

Fig.3,10) were supposedly wooden hammers/ beaters (see Bemrnann/Bemmann 199g, 377).

In _{my opinion they were tools destined mainly}

for

_{woodworking, namely boatbuilding uten_} sils: their shafts were too short to fight bul quite convenient for working in cramped areas, iuch

as the inside of the boafs hull. Let me remind

that al1 the sites mentioned are treated as being

a result of depositing the weapons won from thó

defeated _{army of the enemy that had come by}

the sea.

Another group of disputable items

is

a col_

lection of wooden objects found near a wooden

road, called 'Bohlenweg 25', leading through

marshes between Damme and _{Hunteburg, Ldkr.}

Vechta (Fig.3,11-16). Among other tfungs, four

swords _{and seven clubs were identified here;}

1aC _{chronology situates them at the}

turn of the

ages or

_-

#ter calibration

_-

in the Early Roman

Period _{(Pieper 1999,513-517,521 Figś.2, 4, 6)'}

To be honest, I found the above interpretation false. In my opinion they were not w&pons at all. They me flat, their'working'parts are

sepa-rated in different ways, also the sides are of aif_

ferent shapes; moreover/ none of the items was

complete. Therefore, I assume that they should rather _{be interpreted as elements of}

_ioad

con-struction. _{This refers also to the other wooden} 'łveapons' _{frorrr the} site.23

23

. Disputable mćlće weapons (,one-eclged swords', ,rapier',

and'shafted _{weapon' from the site; pieper 19gg, SIg_517}

Fig. 2, a) actually cannot be irientified as arms because the

BIIFM 79, Kontru1, ,,Wns Tncitus right?",271-283 278

ffiffiW@W

'l;61

4

o

-

-xo"o,

%@ffi

\tr

.il

ww

l1 łł

@

ii"j

i{

rl

fi

ii

fi

ti{

'T

.rtl

_ii

rł7 tł fi]

it

rfi

*"1

iq F',l

'ó

llrll

LJ UJ L7

TT.UT.!

15 16

Tl"

U 11 100cm t8

Fi*

3- Actual anrt _false clubs: _{1-2 .clubs} f'ałn To1Ę1se Vdky; 3_7 pear-likt ,?9^Ęqa'ł'o1n t}łe Węst Balt

b'łirir'

ć"tińi, ti

uiłtiiii,

s*."ony ,ó,,t.; +-l Pieczarki, Fozczdrze com '.); 8-1'0, falst _,ć,lubs frotł1 _-bog ftnds

(s

_{kiii'niiii,--ód'ir*}

i;i!;i;:;b'-iió,:.tśpiińg', śonderhorg Komm'; 70 Tlrcrsberg, Llir. Sclllesluig); 11_'l6 fqlse rlubs fi.ołn ,,Bo]tlenweę 25" in marsltes betloeei

óiiń,ii ira

ńuitburrg, Ldkr. Vechta;'I7_19 _.cl|łbsfrom

ober-ióńń|rair.l.]nstt.uFFIeinic'lr (17 sanctuary Lą 20; 18 sanctuary Ln 01; 19 _- sanctuary MRs).

twice as long as their iron paralleis' Also their morphoiogical similarity iJquestionable. Moreovet, their edges are blunt'

which exclucles their effective use. Traces of fightŁrg sug_

gested by P.Pieper could be recognised as being a,result of ivood wórking (Kontny 200Z 106 Footnote 20)' Furthermore'

the "lance" se*ems to b-e too heavy (with its length of 250cm)

and its shaft is too thick (square in cross-section with sides

of 10cm) to grasp it convenientiy and to use it efficiently (Kontny 2002 Fooinote 30).

A great number of clubs was found at the

sac-rificial place in Oberdorla, Ldkr. Unstrut-Heinich

in Thuiingia (Fig. 3,17-19). They had rounded, thickened heads. Excavators came across them

in

sanctuaries from the La Tdne Period (La1A, La20, La 01) and the Roman Period (P III, MR 5)

and a few loose finds were also found

BLIFM 79, Kontny, ,,Was Tacitus rigltt?", 271-283 _Ż79

L49, 185-186 PIs. 24,4, 34,1'1,,37,1.0, 78,4, 100,1-6, 117,6). They are interpreted as attributes of a

god's authority, namely Donar's (Thor's) but

similar pieces might be treated sometimes as

idols

(Behm-Blancke Żaa3a, 199-Żaq.It seems

plausible that previously, i.

e.

before

deposi-tion, they were used as real tools. On the other hand they were rather not fighting weapons, as

in Oberdorla almost no weapons24 *ere found,

while

housekeeping

or

handicraft tools were numerous. Therefore,

clubs

from

Oberdorla

seem to be more woodworking tools or hunting weapons than military objects.2s

Finally'

ln

Ża12 three clubs were found in

Alken

Enge/Vedebro

in

the

river

valley

of Illerup Adal in the place where the Illerup River runs out into Lake Mosso. They came from the

sacrificial bog site in _{Jutland Peninsula, which} is

not _Ępical: instead of weapons deposited com_

monly, a great amount of human remains had

been deposited here around the turn of the ages

(1aC dating of bones). Part of them embraces the

skeletons taken from a battlefield (these were

found not

in

anatomical order)

but

a

signifi-cant amount belongs to men executed: traces of

heavy blows in the skull (occiput) are noticeable here. To the extremely rare weapons we may attribute clubs of ash and oak: one in shape of a baseball bat (80-90cm

in

length), one heavy with flattened side of the head (65cm in length) and the fragment of the third, i. e. spherical head

similar to the ones from Oberdorla. According to the excavators26 they served as tools rather

than weapons but personally I assume that they could have been used as an execution weapon (victims urere executed and placed

in

the

sacri-ficial lake not only without their weapons but naked so the clubs did not belong to thern)' Any-how, we may exclude them from the fighting armament of that time.

Some scholars tried to identiĄz clubs among

the

rniniatures

hanged

on

the

ornamental golden chain from the Early Migration Period hoard

i

found at SzilógysomlyÓ ($imleul

Silva-24 The only iron weapons are a La TBne Periotl lancehead

from sanctuary La 03 (Behm-Blancke 2003b, Pl. 42'6) and

a La TÓne type double-edged sword from sanctuary FR1

(Behm-Blancke 2003b, P1. 48,1). The circumstances referring

to the finding of further arms, i.e. two lanceheads and an axe (Behm-Blancke 2003b, Pl. 120,1,1-5), are unclear.

25 It is worth mentioning that the head of one of the clubs

from Roman Period sanctuary PII was found together with a

hunting boornerang (Behm-Blancke 2003b, 129-130 P1.

71',I2-1ą\

2ó Personal commitment: Mads Kiil-rleł Holst Ph.D. fronr

the Moesgńrd Museunr, coordinator of the project, whom

I would like to ihank for the above inJomation; see also:

http:/ / www.skanderbor gmuseum. dk/ Sta tus _-201"2-1 141.

aspx (access 1'1.11.Ż01,3).

niei)

in

Transylvania. Flowever, their original

function

is

disputable, more frequently they were ascribed to tools or even ornaments (see

Gschwantle r 1999, 67, 7 A F ig. 1'1., 19, with further

literature). They possess widened head,

onion-shaped or polyedric, and they were arranged on

the chain closely to the miniatures of handicrafts tools or \Meapons identified rather as hunting

ones (Gschwantler 1999,75).It seems to confirm

their mostĘ hunting value.

Drawing conclusions about the above data

one

may

state that organic hitting weapons,

although popular in different periods, at the turn of the ages were probably quite rare. Only

Taci-tus'

and Amrnianus' descriptions show battle

clubs from the Roman Period (Trajan's column reliefs are not convincing) and Isidore's

quota-tions examples from the Migration Period. It

seems that ancient writers describing clubs as a

weapon _Ępical of Germans should be treated as a clichó. Instead most probable is that they were

in use as a hunting weapon proved

_Ę,

fot exam-p1e, finds from Oberdorla and probably also

from SzilógysomlyÓ; the ones from Alken Enge

suggest their secondary function as execution weapon. Was it really the kind of weapon that had drawn the attention of Tacitus' inJormants?

To

answer

the

question

one should

ask another:

should the

description

of

Aestii be

linked directĘ

with

advanced Dollkeim-Kov-rovo Culture, one of the most opulent Balt

cul-tures of its time? The answer is: not necessarily!

Tacitus wrote his words in the late 1" c. AD and

the description of eastern Barbąricum

is

attrib-uted to the late L" c. (Kolendo 1976, 40-42;1995, 9-10). It was the period of creating and shaping

a

ner

/

culfural phenomenon

-

the

Dollkeim-Kovrovo Culture. But in the 1" c. inhabitants

liv-ing

in

the way

_Ępical

of the former West Balt Bai'rows Culture still existed.2T Moreo.rer, one cannot exclude the fact that Tacitus used slightly outdated information, which

is

stated for the

description of V enethi (Nowakowski 1996a,

190-191) and swords of Gothones, Rugii and Leruoaii

(Kontny 2008, 184). It makes

my

assumption

everr moIe probablą the more so that wooden

c1ubs are proved to have been used

_Ę

the West Balt Barrows Culture. In societies that were not

abundant in metal (here: iron) and were not war-rior-societies, the border between the hunting and fighting weapon is vague if really existent

(as ethnographical examples show). Therefore,

it seems to me most plausible that we are

deal-27 See Masurian finds from the end of the Late Pre-Roman Period (Gładki 2007) but in the Sambian Peninsu1a cultural alteration happened later, in the 1" c. AD (Nowakowski

BUFM 79, Kontny, ,,Was Tacitus right?" , 271-283

ing

with

such multi-purpose weapons, which were soon to be substituted by the better types

of shafted weapons, axes and socketed axes of

the later stages of the Roman Period. By the way:

a sirnilar phenomenon is described by Tacitus in the case of the Fenni, neighbouring the Balts,

who used for fighting only bows and arrows

(see Lindner 1937, 412),28 i. e. hunting weapons.

Naturally,

we

cannot state

for

sure how long fustis kept its popularity at least as a hunt-ing weapon and whether it was frequent in the other cultures of the West Balt Circle. There are even more question marks in the picture I have tried to draw and I am aware of this. However,

I would not say that this paper is a

disappoint-ment as archaeology would be so static and

tedi-ous without such hypothetical attempts...

Written

sources

-

Ammianus Marcellinus,

Dzieje

rzyrnskie, Tom II: księgi

XXVI-XXX

(Warszawa 2a02),

transl. I. Lewandowski.

-

Amrrtianus

Marcellinus

with

an

English translation _{by John C. Rolfe} in three volumes

(Cambridge / l|i4.A, London 1963).

-

Isidore

of

Seville,

Codex

etimologiarum

(http: / / www. thelatinlibrary.com/ isidore.

hhnl 07.01.2013).

-

MaurusServiusHonorafus,ServiiGrammatici qui feruntur in Vergilii carrnina commentarii,

(Leipzig 1881

_/

_{htĘ:/ /www'perseus'fufts.} edu/ hopper/ text?doc=Perseus % 3a text%3 a

D99.A2.0A53), eds G. Thilo/H. Hagen.

-

Tacyt' Dzieła(WarczawaŻ004),ed. and transl.

S. Hamrner.

-

P. Cornelius Tacitus, Germania

/

Publi.usz

Korneliusz Tacyt, Germania. Fontes

Histo-riae Antiquae 10 (Poznań 2008), ed. _J. Kolendo,

tr'ansl. T' Płóciennik.

- Cornelii Taciti

annalium

ab

excessu

divi

Augusti

libri

(Londinium

1906), ed.

C.D.Fischer.

-

Polybii,

Historiae

Ii

(Berolini

1892), ed.

F. Hultsch.

-

Polibiusz, Dzieje I_ Biblioteka Ptzekładów

z

Literatury AnĘcznej

3

{Wrocław 1957), ed'

and transl. S. Hammer.

-

Polybius, Histories (London, New York 1889),

ed. and transl. E.S.Shuckburgh.

-

The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville (New

York

2006),

transl.

A. Barney/W.J.Lewis/

]. A. Beach/O. Berghof.

28 Tac., Cern., 46: "(...) solae in sagittis spes, quas inopia ferri osslbus asperant"; "Their only dependence is on their arro\r's, which, for want of iron, are heacled with bone"

(transl. E. Brooks Jr.).

-

Silius ltalicus, Punica with an English

trans-lation by J. D.Duff in two volumes (London"

Cambridge/MA 1968).

-

Strabons Geographika I: Prolegomena, Buch

I-Iv (Góttingen 2002). ed' and transl. S. Radt.

-

Suetonius, De

Vita

Caesarum 1: The Lives

of

the Caesars. _]ulius. Augustus. Tiberius.

Gaius. Caligula. Loeb Classical

Library

31

(Harvard 1914), transL _J. C. Rolfe.

-

The Geography of Skabo literally translated,

with notes. H.C.Bohn (London 1854-185Ą.

-

The Gennany and the Agricola of Tacitus. The Oxford translation revised, with notes and an

introduction by E. Brooks Jr. (Project

Guten-berg Release #7524, http|/ _{/gńenbetg.org/}

eb o oks _/ 7 524 F ebr uary 2005).

-

Valerius Flaccus with an English kanslation

by j.H.Mozley.

(Londoą

Cambridge/MA

1e72).

-

Virgil

in

two

volumes II: Aeneid VII-XII. The Minor Poems (London, Cambridge/MA

1969), ed. E. H. Warmington.

-

The works of

Virgil

translated _{by John}

Dry-den

(1877; htĘ:/ _/ classics'mit.edu/Yirgil/ aeneid.html Ż5'06.2009)'

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File:BayeuxTapeskyScene54.jpg;

2

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Fig. 3: 1"-2 atter Jantzen et aI. Ż01'l', Fig. 5; 3-7

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L;8

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F ig. 2,1,4- 6,8-9 ; 17 after Behm-Blancke 2003b, Pl.

34,11, ; 18 after Behm-Blancke 2003b, Pl. 37,10 _; 19

after Behm-Blancke 2003b, P1. 100,2.

Dr hab. Bartosz Kontny

Instytut Archeologii, Uniwersytet Warszawski Krakowskie Przedmieście Ż6 _/ 28

A0-927 Warszawa