THE FAMILY 500+ PROGRAMME AND FUNCTIONING OF POLISH HOUSEHOLDS
Aneta Maria Kłopocka, dr
Akademia Ekonomiczno-Humanistyczna w Warszawie Ul. Pawia 55, Warszawa, Polska
e-mail:a.klopocka@vizja.pl ORCID: 0000-0002-7940-5910
Abstract
The introduction of large scale reform of financial support for families with children in Poland, the so-called Family 500+ Programme, sparked off an intense debate among policymakers and researchers on the directions and objectives of family policies, as well as on the desired and undesired impacts of the programme. While the discussion focuses on the assessment of the degree of achievement of the main programme objectives (i.e. child poverty reduction and increase in the number of births) and its effect on female labour force participation, most of its indirect implications have so far been left largely unexamined. This paper highlights the importance of exploring the effects of the Family 500+ Programme on functioning of Polish households, and will hopefully serve to stimulate more research in this area.
Key words: household saving, Family 500+ Programme, saving rate, child care benefit, family policy
JEL codes: D14, D15, D31, E21
1 Introduction
The implementation of large scale reform of financial support for families with children in Poland, the so-called Family 500+ Programme, changed the income situation of almost two thirds of Polish families with children. After its extension in July 2019 it will influence the incomes of all child-bearing families. The Family 500+ scheme is certainly one of the key social programmes of the last quarter-century (Bojanowska & Frieske, 2017). Therefore, an in-depth analysis is needed to study not only the accomplishment of programme objectives, but also its indirect implications, in particular the extent to which the new child benefits modify household financial behaviour.
The financial turmoil that started in 2007 and the severity of the recession that followed highlighted the importance of household financial stability as a key factor affecting economic growth. The appropriate shaping of household balance sheets is important on a macroeconomic scale and from the perspective of individual entities (Kłopocka, 2017).
The aim of this paper is to highlight the importance of exploring the effects of the Family 500+ Programme on functioning of Polish households. It will hopefully serve to stimulate more research in this area. The rest of the paper is organized as follows. Section 2 describes the idea and financial framework of the Family 500+ Programme. Section 3 briefly reviews the literature on the demographic impacts of the programme, then moves on to studies on poverty reduction and labour force participation implications, and finally presents the few examples of research on the programme’s effects on household financial activity. Section 4 identifies potential channels of the Family 500+ Programme’s influence on household saving behaviour. Section 5 presents changes in the propensity to save by biological type of household in the first period of programme duration. Section 6 concludes with some remarks.
2 The Family 500+ Programme
Introduced in April 2016, the child benefit amounts to PLN 500 per month for the second and each subsequent child up to 18 years of age regardless of family income, as well as for the first child when the family income does not exceed PLN 800 per month per person (PLN 1,200 in a family with a disabled child). The main motivation for the Family 500+
Programme’s implementation was to reduce families’ financial burden related to raising children, and thus to encourage their decisions to have more children. In July 2019, thanks to the elimination of the income criterion, the childcare allowance of PLN 500 per month will be extended to cover also the first or the only child in the family regardless of income.
In 2017, the Family 500+ Programme covered 3.85 million children in 2.5 million families. They received almost PLN 23.5 billion within the child grant scheme (GUS, 2018a).
Since launching, nearly PLN 68 billion has been spent on the programme (as of February 2019). After the 2019 extension, the yearly expenditure on the Family 500+ scheme will increase substantially. The forecast of the number of child care beneficiaries and expenditures in 2019-2029 is provided in Table 1.
Family policy reform is also reflected in changes in the participation of family support in GDP. Before the introduction of the Family 500+ Programme, expenditures from the state budget for families amounted to 1.78% of GDP. In 2017, this indicator increased to 3.1% of
GDP. After expanding the entitlement to the childcare allowance to cover the first child regardless of family income since July 2019, an increase in expenditures for family financial support to 4.0% of GDP is expected. This will be a 125% increase of that ratio compared to 2015 (Biuro Analiz Sejmowych Kancelarii Sejmu, 2019). Before 2016, the level of expenditure on social protection for families with children was significantly lower in Poland than in many European countries. The Family 500+ cash child grant scheme moved Poland significantly up the ranking of EU countries (Hagemejer, 2017; Ruzik-Sierdzińska, 2018).
Table 1. A forecast of the number of, and expenditure on, Family 500+ beneficiaries according to the rules before/after the extension of the programme range in July 2019
Year Average monthly
number of child care beneficiaries according to the pre-extension
rules (in
thousands)
Average monthly number of child care beneficiaries according to the post-extension
rules (in
thousands)
Expenditure on child care benefits (including programme servicing costs) according to the pre-extension rules (in PLN millions)
Expenditure on child care benefits (including programme servicing costs) according to the post-extension rules (in PLN millions)
2019 3622 6797 21500 31076
2020 3518 6834 21362 41221
2021 3416 6869 20744 41435
2022 3333 6894 20239 41585
2023 3252 6903 19747 41639
2024 3173 6893 19266 41581
2025 3096 6860 18797 41375
2026 3021 6783 18340 40914
2027 2947 6699 17894 40409
2028 2875 6629 17458 39985
2029 2805 6571 17032 39635
Source: (The Council of Ministers, 2019)
Clearly, the Family 500+ Programme is a huge economic cost for the national budget.
However, all measures undertaken by pro-family policy can be perceived not only as a cost, but also as an investment (Radzik, 2017). Programme promoters point out that the proposed solutions are an important element of a broader family policy. In the Report of the Council of Ministers on Implementation of the Act on State Aid for Raising Children in 2016-2017, one can read that “The essence of the Family 500+ Programme is to provide child care benefit to the widest possible range of people with dependent children, thus fulfilling three basic goals:
natalism (1), investment in human capital (2), and reduction of poverty among the youngest (3)”(MRPiPR, 2018). The extension of the range of the programme in 2019 reflects the development of programme objectives from emphasizing child poverty reduction to highlighting its role in raising investment in human capital.
3 Impacts of the Family 500+ Programme – empirical literature review
The ongoing discussion about the Family 500+ Programme – certainly one of the key social programmes of the last quarter-century (Bojanowska & Frieske, 2017), concentrates on the assessment of the level of achievement of the main programme’s objectives, including child poverty reduction and an increase in the number of births. Moreover, its effect on female labour force participation highly attracts the attention of researchers. Probably due to the short duration of the programme, fewer studies have been devoted to other implications of this large scale reform.
1. Implications for demographics
The Family 500+ Programme was implemented in conditions of low birth rate and depopulation in Poland. The process of population decline occurred in the initial period of economic and political transformation, and was once again exacerbated in the years 2013- 2015. According to long-term projections (issued before the introduction of the Family 500+
Programme), in 2035 the population in Poland would amount to approximately 36 million, in 2050 – 34 million, and in 2016 – 33 million. Although it is too early to make an appraisal of the long-term impact of the child benefit scheme on demographic processes, the first assessments provide some encouraging evidence. In 2016 and 2017 an increase in the number of births and the total fertility rate was observed in Poland (MRPiPR, 2018; Pierzchalska, 2017; Ruzik-Sierdzińska, 2018). Having analysed the changes in the fertility pattern in 2016- 2017 Szukalski (2018) found: (1) a continuation of trends in the case of childlessness and first births, (2) a discontinuation of trends in the case of subsequent births (an increase in the probability of second and third births, and a decrease in maternity age). Answering the question of whether the positive data of 2016-2017 are a harbinger of a reversal of the unfavourable demographic trend or rather a short-term result of deferred procreation plans’
realization requires a high degree of caution due to the very short period of the programme’s duration. Moreover, in the case of the decisions of women and men to have more children apart from income much depends on the possibility for women to combine work and child bearing, on accessibility to affordable housing, the prospects of stable employment, and numerous other factors.
2. Implications for poverty and income inequalities
One of the earliest studies aimed at an appraisal of the Family 500+ Programme’s impact on the scope and depth of poverty and income inequalities is the simulation by Chrzanowska
& Landmesser (2017), using data from a representative Polish Household Budget Survey.
They are convinced that the Family 500+ Programme has a chance to be an effective tool in poverty eradication and the reduction of income inequalities among Polish families with children. Their results are in accordance with those of Brzeziński & Najsztub (2017), who showed that the child-care benefit will to the largest degree increase the income of households situated in the lower bracket of income distribution. The microsimulation of Brzeziński &
Najsztub (2017) reveals a decrease in extreme consumption poverty among the entire population in a range from 3% to 47% (depending on the method of equivalising the household expenses and method of spending the child support benefit received), while among children it is in range of 75-100%. Their results also suggest that the programme will reduce income inequalities measured by the Gini index by several percent. Golinowska & Sowa- Kofta (2017) are convinced that the Family 500+ Programme is expected to significantly reduce income deficit, in particular in less wealthy families with more children, among people living off agriculture, and those coming from rural areas and small towns, where access to work is more difficult.
The aforementioned studies refer to the impacts of the Family 500+ Programme in its version introduced by the Act on State Aid in Raising Children of 2016. Myck, Najsztub, Oczkowska, & Trzciński (2019) simulate the effects of the July 2019 programme extension on families’ income. They reveal a significant difference in the distribution of child support benefits in the pre- and post-extension model. The pre-extension solutions supported families from the lower part of the income distribution to the greatest extent, while the July 2019 extension of the entitlement to parental benefit for the first child regardless of income reverse the situation, and thus the first decile families followed by the second decile families will receive the smallest support. If we look more broadly at the family support solutions (including the Good Start 300+ benefit, tax reliefs/preferences, and other family allowances), we realize that the post-extension family support system provides the highest levels of support to families from the 3rd to the 6th decile income group (on average, up to PLN 1120 per month in the case of the 4th decile). With the extended model of the Family 500+ Programme, the complex system of family benefits is nearly equally generous for the poorest and the richest families, supporting them with an average benefit of approximately PLN 900 per month.
3. Implications for labour market participation
Some studies consider whether, by increasing out-of-work income significantly, the Family 500+ Programme can reduce the incentives of parents, in particular women, to
participate in the labour market. Myck (2016) presented the first set of estimates based on a discrete choice labour supply model. The results suggest a significant degree of withdrawal from employment - in the range of 235,000 individuals - following the introduction of the reform. The simulations suggest that the employment effects would be concentrated among women in families with one or two children, and among those living in small towns and villages. Ex-post analysis of Magda, Kiełczewska, & Brandt (2018) suggests that the recent introduction of child benefit in Poland had a significantly negative impact on the labour force participation and employment of eligible mothers. The labour force participation and employment would have been between 2 ½ and 3 per cent higher by mid-2017 in the absence of the reform. Testing for heterogeneity across different groups reveals that the effects are strongest for the lowest-educated mothers. A weaker effect of the Familly 500+ Programme’s introduction on female labour market participation is suggested by Ruzik-Sierdzińska (2017).
According to Ruzik-Sierdzińska (2018), the data reveal clear differences in occupational activity depending on the number of children, especially up to six years old. Professional activity in recent years has increased among men and childless women and fallen among women with children. However, lower professional activity of women with more children is no longer visible in households where the youngest child is 6-11 years old, i.e. she/he attends school and is more independent.
An open question for further research is whether the child care benefits may lengthen the career interruptions of mothers and indirectly impact their earnings prospects when they return to the labour market. An issue requiring studies at a later point in time is the persistence of Family 500+ Programme labour market implications, in particular after the elimination of the income criterion. Obviously, it is a challenge to have higher fertility and higher (or not decreased) professional activity at the same time. Moreover, a comprehensive evaluation of the temporal professional deactivation of mothers is a complex task that should deliberately go beyond the economic aspects.
4. Implications for household finance
The research of Wiśniewska, Musiał, & Świecka (2017) reveals that just after the implementation of the Family 500+ scheme consumption rose and household debt was reduced. The level of optimism of the beneficiaries of child care support was higher than of those not benefiting from the subsidy and therefore their precautionary motivation for saving was diminished.
Opolski & Gemzik-Salwach (2016) concentrated on the impact of the Family 500+
Programme on the income level, credit rating and debt structure of households in economically underdeveloped regions. They estimate that despite the largest percentage growth in creditworthiness in the poorest families, the total creditworthiness of households belonging to the lowest wage ranges will still not be high enough for them to become attractive clients for banks. The creditworthiness of households from subsequent income groups will be increased to an extent enabling them to incur consumer loans, and households from subsequent income groups will be able to succesfully apply for housing loans.
4 Potential channels of the Family 500+ Programme’s influence on household saving behaviour
There has been a significant number of theoretical and empirical studies that aim to explain household saving rate or, more generally, private saving rate by using various macroeconomic and demographic variables. Some studies analyze household saving behaviour using micro-economic data instead of focusing only on the aggregate saving rate (Hüfner & Koske, 2010). The long list of factors potentially influencing household saving behaviour includes the following categories of variables (according to the classification provided by Grigoli, Herman, & Schmidt-Hebbel, 2018): income, wealth, rates of return on financial assets, relative prices, classical uncertainty, Knightian uncertainty, domestic borrowing constraints, financial depth, demographics, poverty and distribution, fiscal policy, government spending components, pension system, and corporate saving effect on household saving. Due to space limitations, we concentrate only on factors that may constitute channels of the Family 500+ Programme influence on household saving behavior in Poland.
There are different consumption/saving theories that supply explanations of the income and saving decisions relationship. According to the oldest one (Keynes, 1936), consumption depends primarily on total (current) income, and a higher absolute income level in general corresponds to a higher savings rate. Within the “new” theory of consumption framework, the main motive for saving is the desire to smooth consumption throughout one’s (entire) life (the Life Cycle Hypothesis (LCH) of Modigliani & Brumberg (1954), and the Permanent Income Hypothesis (PIH) of Friedman (1957)). Income which is higher than permanent is treated as transitional and is saved. In other words, a positive temporary income shock leads to an increase in savings. However, in certain situations marginal savings are low. This may be the case, for example, if consumption habits are weak, if there are liquidity constraints, if the increase in current income is treated as a signal of income growth in the future, or when the
current income of poor consumers whose incomes are close to their subsistence level increases (Grigoli et al., 2018). Duesenberry formulated the hypothesis of relative income, according to which household consumption depends not only on the size of the absolute income and its changes, but also on its relationship to the income of other households (Duesenberry, 1949). This means that the propensity to save is a growing function of the position of a given household in the income distribution. In the seminal works of Carroll (1997) and Deaton (1991), assets play the role of a buffer stock, and a consumer saves and dissaves in order to smooth consumption in the face of income uncertainty. A fresh interest in precautionary saving ("to build up a reserve against unforeseen contingencies") as a potential explanation of the sharp increment in household saving rates during the Great Recession has emerged recently (Kłopocka, 2018). Self-control, mental accounting, and framing are incorporated in a behavioural enrichment of the life-cycle theory of saving called the Behavioural Life-Cycle (BLC) hypothesis (Shefrin & Thaler, 1988). The theories provide different explanations of the income and saving relationship. A comprehensive study of the empirical evidence (at the very best at the micro level) is required to identify the predominant effects.
The indirect implications of the Family 500+ Programme on household saving may occur due to changes in:
- borrowing constraints: current liquidity constraints expressed by difficult access to credit contribute to the increase in savings. On the contrary, making the loan conditions more flexible (in response to the higher credit ratings of Family 500+ beneficiaries) may result in a decrease in the saving rate.
- demographics: in accordance with the LCH, a negative relationship between savings and the young-age dependency rate is expected. It should be added, however, that the increase in the share of children and youth in the society may not only increase consumption due to the expenses related to raising children, but may also encourage saving due to the expected expenditure on the educational and housing needs of the young generation.
- government spending: the Ricardian-equivalence hypothesis (REH) predicts that an increase in permanent government consumption is offset by lower private consumption (higher savings).
Household saving is a very complex phenomenon and is influenced by numerous determinants. Income and its growth (in absolute and relative terms) is usually found among
the most important variables driving household propensity to save (Kolasa & Liberda, 2015).
Therefore, the large scale Family 500+ Programme, increasing the available income of households with children, may be expected to impact the saving behaviour of programme beneficiaries.
5 Propensity to save by biological type of household
The Family 500+ Programme, providing financial support to families with children of approximately PLN 20 billion (PLN 40 billion after elimination of the income criterion) a year, substantially changes the income situation of numerous households. In 2018 the share of the Family 500+ benefit in available income per capita in households with dependent children was 13.5%, while in families with at least 3 dependent children it was 20.0% (in 2017 – 14.5% and 21.2% respectively, in 2016 – 16.8% and 24.0%) (GUS, 2017, GUS, 2018b, GUS, 2019).
The increase of available income was accompanied by the rise in expenditure, however the second effect was smaller (Figure 1). Therefore the propensity to save (measured with saving rate i.e. the share of savings in income) augmented. In the period 2015-2017 this process was visible in all analysed groups of households, but its strength was not equal. The biggest increment of saving rate, by 10.7 percentage points, was recorded in the group with the highest income dynamics i.e. marriages with 3 or more children. The average available income per person remained at the lowest level in that group in comparison with other types of households. Interestingly, the second lowest income group, i.e. mother or father with children, demonstrated much weaker propensity to save. Its saving rate increased by 8.2 percentage points in the period 2015-2017, but remained the lowest level among all groups (13.7 percent in 2017). For comparison, the saving rate of marriages with 3 or more children was very close to the average total population value and in 2017 equaled 26.7 percent.
A concise review of the consumption/saving theories suggests that the saving effect of the programme may be different in the first (April 2016 - June 2019) and the second (starting in July 2019) stages of programme duration. The child benefit scheme’s extension of July 2019, which makes the Family 500+ support available for every child regardless of income, may become a stimulus for extending the horizon of household saving due to an increase in the importance of saving motives related to supporting children in satisfying their educational and housing needs. A shift in demand toward long-term saving products would be an opportunity for domestic banking institutions, which, in the context of recent regulatory requirements, tend to increase their share of long-term financing.
0 500 1000 1500 2000 2500
1091 1132 1176 1501 1531 1570 1005 1070 1147 705 789 875 1041 1102 1110
Available income Expenditure
PLN
Note: The amount in percent represents the share of expenditure in available income.
Source: (GUS, 2017a; GUS, 2018a).
Figure 1 Average monthly available income and expenditure per capita in households and the share of expenditure in available income by biological type of households, 2015-2017
6 Conclusion
The Family 500+ scheme is certainly one of the key social programmes of the last quarter- century (Bojanowska & Frieske, 2017). Therefore, an in-depth analysis is needed to study not only the achievement of programme’s objectives, but also its indirect implications, in particular the extent to which the new child benefits modify household financial behaviour.
This paper highlights the importance of exploring the effects of the Family 500+
Programme on the functioning of Polish households, and will hopefully serve to stimulate more research in this area. It identifies the potential channels of the Family 500+
Programme’s influence on household saving behaviour. It is suggested that the saving effect of the programme may be different in the pre- and post-extension stages. By making the Family 500+ support eligible for every child regardless of income, the child benefit scheme’s extension of July 2019 may become a stimulus for extending the horizon of household saving due to an increase in the importance of saving motives related to supporting children in satisfying their educational and housing needs.
References
1 Anioła, P., & Gołaś, Z. (2012). Differences in the Level and Structure of Household Indebtedness in the EU Countries. Contemporary Economics, 6(1), 46–59.
2 Biuro Analiz Sejmowych Kancelarii Sejmu. (2019). Ocena skutków regulacji zawartych w rządowym projekcie ustawy o zmianie ustawy o pomocy państwa w wychowywaniu dzieci oraz niektórych innych ustaw (nr druku 3387).
3 Bojanowska, E., & Frieske, K. W. (2017). From the editors. Polityka Społeczna, 44(1), 1- 1.
4 Brzeziński, M., & Najsztub, M. (2017). The Impact of “Family 500+ Programme on Household Incomes, Poverty and Inequality. Polityka Społeczna, 44(1), 16-25.
5 Carroll, C. D. (1997). Buffer-stock saving and the life cycle/permanent income hypothesis.
The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 112(1), 1–55.
6 Chrzanowska, M., & Landmesser, J. M. (2017). Symulacja efektów ex ante Programu
“Rodzina 500+”. Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego we Wrocławiu, (468), 38–
46.
7 Deaton, A. (1991). Saving and Liquidity Constraints. Econometrica, 59(5), 1221–1248.
8 Duesenberry, J. S. (1949). Income Saving and the Theory of Consumer Behaviour.
Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
9 Friedman, M. (1957). A Theory of the Consumption. Princeton University Press Princeton.
10 Golinowska, S., & Sowa-Kofta, A. (2017). Combating Poverty Through Family Cash Benefits: on the First Results of the Programme “Family 500+” in Poland. Polityka Społeczna, 44(1), 7–13.
11 Grigoli, F., Herman, A., & Schmidt-Hebbel, K. (2018). Saving in the world. World Development, 104, 257–270.
12 GUS. (2017). Sytuacja gospodarstw domowych w 2016 r. w świetle wyników badania budżetów gospodarstw domowych. Warszawa.
13 GUS. (2018a). Świadczenie wychowawcze, dodatek wychowawczy i dodatek do zryczałtowanej kwoty w 2017 r. (Informacje sygnalne).
14 GUS. (2018b). Sytuacja gospodarstw domowych w 2017 r. w świetle wyników badania budżetów gospodarstw domowych. Warszawa.
15 GUS. (2019). Sytuacja gospodarstw domowych w 2018 r. w świetle wyników badania budżetów gospodarstw domowych. Warszawa.
16 Hagemejer, K. (2017). Is the 500+ Child Benefit Programme Overgenerous? Polish Social Protection Expenditure on Benefits and Services for Families With Children Compared With other Member Countries of the EU and OECD. Polityka Społeczna, 44(1), 1-7.
17 Hüfner, F., & Koske, I. (2010). Explaining household saving rates in G7 countries:
implications for Germany. OECD Economic Department Working Papers, (754), 1–25.
18 Keynes, J. M. (1936). The general theory of employment, interest and money. London:
MacMillan.
19 Kłopocka, A. M. (2017). Does Consumer Confidence Forecast Household Saving and Borrowing Behavior? Evidence for Poland. Social Indicators Research, 133(2), 693–717.
20 Kłopocka, A. M. (2018). Does the buffer stock model explain the household saving rate in Poland? In Contemporary problems of intergenerational relations and pension systems: a theoretical and empirical perspective (pp. 174–183). Lodz: Lodz University of Technology Press.
21 Kolasa, A., & Liberda, B. (2015). Determinants of Saving in Poland: Are They Different from Those in Other OECD Countries? Eastern European Economics, 53(2), 124–148.
22 Magda, I., Kiełczewska, A., & Brandt, N. (2018). The “family 500+” child allowance and female labour supply in Poland. OECD Economics Department Working Papers, (1481).
23 Modigliani, F., & Brumberg, R. (1954). Utility analysis and the consumption function: An interpretation of cross-section data. In K. K. Kurihara (Ed.), Post Keynesian Economics, (pp. 388–436). New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press.
24 MRPiPR. (2018). Sprawozdanie Rady Ministrów z realizacji ustawy o pomocy państwa w wychowywaniu dzieci w latach 2016-2017. Warszawa.
25 Myck, M. (2016). Estimating Labour Supply Response to the Introduction of the Family 500+ Programme. CenEA Working Paper Series, WP01/16.
26 Myck, M., Najsztub, M., Oczkowska, M., & Trzciński, K. (2019). Pakiet podatkowo- świadczeniowych rozwiązań rządu Zjednoczonej Prawicy (Raport Przedwyborczy CenEA 12/04/2019).
27 Opolski, K., & Gemzik-Salwach, A. (2016). Perspektywy finansowe i wiarygodność kredytowa gospodarstw domowych w kontekście programu“ Rodzina 500+”: propozycja metody kalkulacji finansowej na przykładzie województwa podkarpackiego. Bezpieczny Bank, 2 (63), 90–118.
28 Pierzchalska, M. (2017). The Family 500+ Programme: Potential Impact on Demographic Processes, the Labour Market and the Pension System. Polityka Społeczna, 44(1), 42-50.
29 Radzik, P. (2017). The Influence of the Government Family 500+ Programme on the Female Labour Force Participation Rate, VIII International Scientific Conference Analysis of International Relations. Katowice.
30 Ruzik-Sierdzińska, A. (2017). Czy program “Rodzina 500+” wywołał efekt na rynku pracy. Warszawa: Instytut Obywatelski.
31 Ruzik-Sierdzińska, A. (2018). Krótkookresowe skutki programu Rodzina 500+. Studia z Polityki Publicznej, 17(1), 63–76.
32 Shefrin, H. M., & Thaler, R. H. (1988). The behavioral life-cycle hypothesis. Economic Inquiry, 26(4), 609–643.
33 Szukalski, P. (2018). Zachowania prokreacyjne w latach 2016–2017. Kontynuacja trendów czy zmiana? Polityka Społeczna, 45(10), 1–4.
34 The Council of Ministers. (2019). Projekt ustawy o zmianie ustawy o pomocy państwa w wychowywaniu dzieci oraz niektórych innych ustaw. (Druk sejmowy nr 3387).
35 Wiśniewska, A., Musiał, M., & Świecka, B. (2017). The Program “Family 500 Plus” – Implications for Household Finance in Poland. CBU International Conference Proceedings.
Streszczenie w języku polskim
Wprowadzenie szeroko zakrojonej reformy wsparcia finansowego dla rodzin z dziećmi w Polsce, tzw. Programu Rodzina 500+, wywołało intensywną debatę wśród decydentów i badaczy na temat kierunków i celów polityki rodzinnej, a także na temat pożądanych i niepożądanych skutków programu. Podczas gdy dyskusja koncentruje się na ocenie stopnia osiągnięcia głównych celów programu (tj. zmniejszenie ubóstwa dzieci i wzrost liczby urodzeń) oraz na ocenie jego wpływu na udział kobiet w rynku pracy, większość jego pośrednich następstw pozostaje dotychczas zasadniczo niezbadana. Niniejszy artykuł podkreśla istotność badania wpływu programu Rodzina 500+ na funkcjonowanie polskich gospodarstw domowych i, miejmy nadzieję, będzie pobudzać dalsze badania w tej dziedzinie.
