Towards undivided cities
in Western Europe
N ew challenges for urban policy
Part 2 Barcelona
TOW ARDS UNDIVIDED eITIES IN WESTERN
EUROPE
New challenges for urban policy
PART 2 BARCELONA
(
H
Z
Z.
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Ministry of Housing, Spatial Planning and the Environment
The city of the Hague
The Netherlands Graduate School of Housing and Urban Research NETHUR
Delft University of Technology OTB Research Institute for Housing, Urban and Mobility Studies
University of Amsterdam Amsterdam Study Centre for
TOW ARDS UNDIVIDED CITIES IN WESTERN
EUROPE
New ehallenges for urban poliey
PART 2 BARCELONA
H.M. Kruythoff B. Baart
The serie Towards undivided cities in Western Europe. New challenges for urban policy is published by:
Delft University Press Mekelweg 4
2628 CD Delft, The Netherlands Phone +31 152783254 Fax +31 15278 1661
CIP-GEGEVENS KONINKLIJKE BmLIOTHEEK, DEN HAAG Kruythoff, H.M.
Barcelona / H.M. Kruythoff and B. Baart - Delft : Delft University Press. - 111.
-(Towards undivided cities in Western Europe. New challenges for urban policy / aTB Research Institute for Housing, Urban and Mobility Studies, ISSN 1387-4888 : 2)
ISBN 90-407-1540-8 NUGI 655
Trefw. : undivided cities , Western Europe , Barcelona
Copyright 1998 by aTB Research Institute for Housing, Urban and Mobility Studies No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means, without written permission from the publisher: Delft University
INHOUD
FOREWORD
1 INTRODUCTION ... 1
1.1 Segregation problem issues and research objectives ... ; ... 1
1.2 The Barcelona Case ... 2
2 ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CHANGES ... 5
2.1 Government context. ... 5
2.2 Context for town and country planning and delimitation of the agglomeration of Barcelona ... 6
2.3 Economic development, suburbanization and immigration ... 7
2.4 Developments in housing and housing policy ... 9
3 SPATlAL SEGREGATION AT DISTRICT LEVEL ... 13
3.1 The districts ... 13
3.2 Profile of inhabitants and housing supply ... 13
3.3 Ethnicity ... 17
3.4 Unemployment and income ... 20
4 BARCELONA AND THE AREA METROPOLITANA ... 25
4.1 Introduction ... 25
4.2 Unemployment ... 28
4.3 Income ... 29
4.4 Spatial segregation and socio-economie polarization ... 33
5 POLICY AGAINST THE DIVIDED CITy ... 35
5.1 National policy ... 35
5.1.1 Housing policy ... 35
5.1.2 Other policies concerning large cities ... 36
5.2 Policy of the Autonomous Community of Catalonia ... 37
5.2.1 Housingpolicy ... 37
5.2.2 District oriented policy ... .43
5.2.3 Minimum reintegration income ... 47
5.3.1 Housing and housing policy ... .47
5.3.2 Urban renewal and restructuring: Ciutat Vella, the Old City ... 50
5.3.3 Other municipal policy ... 53
6 CONCLUSIONS ........................................................... 55
REFERENCES ... 61
APPENDIX I DWELLINGS AND INHABITANTS OF BARCELONA AT DISTRICT LEVEL ... 65
APPENDIX 11 UNEMPLOYMENT IN BARCELONA AT NEIGHBOURHOOD LEVEL. .... 69
APPENDIX III UNEMPLOYMENT IN THE MUNICIPALITIES OF THE AREA METROPOLITANA DE BARCELONA ............................. 71
APPENDIX IV STRUCTURE, OBJECTIVES AND INSTRUMENTS OF THE HOUSING PLAN OF CATALONIA ... 75
APPENDIX V FORMULA FOR THE CALCULATION OF THE SEGREGATION INDEX .... 79
FOREWORD
Both national and local government authorities in European countries are wary of the emergence of divisions between rich and poor areas in big eities. They are wary of the 'divided city'. The local authority of The Hague and the Dutch Ministry of Housing took the initiative to set up an investigation into the extent to which segregation occurs in a number of European eities and of the policy measures taken to counter it. In this document we report the investigation into the Spanish situation. Barcelona and its conurbation, the Area Metropolitana de Barcelona, serve as a case study.
Many people have contributed to this study by providing the necessary documents and statistics, allowing us to consult them personally and profit from their experience and knowiedge, and by commenting critically and constructively on draft chapters. We thank them all.
We address a special word of thanks to some of the people who have been particularly important in the investigation. First of all, to the members of the council board on be-half of the authorities who commissioned the investigation: Alexander Messelaar , Sietske van Putten, Wim van Bogerijen, Andrea Bode, René Vos and Merijn van Giessen. Next, Albert Ferrer i Arpi of the Generalitat de Catalunya (Social Af-fairs/Plans and Programmes), who set up a full informative programme for us during our visit to Barcelona, including interviews with staff members and tours of deprived neighbourhoods. We thank Miguel Puig and Josep Violant for the information they gave us, and Christina, Sylvia and all the other community workers for their on-site explanations. We are most grateful to Caterina Ranis i Llompart of the Ayuntament de Barcelona for the municipal memoranda and statistics and to Josep Serra and Emili Garcia of the Mancomunitat de Munieipis for the maps. Oriol Nel.lo (Autonomous University) enlightened us about the population dynamics at the regional level and di-rected us to the right documents. Later, we were able to find more inforination rele-vant to the Barcelona situation near to home in Gerard Oude Engberink's (Rotterdam Municipality, Soeial Affairs) library. Most of all we thank Montserrat Pareja Easta-way (University of Barcelona) who was our principal contact and who, in the course
/
of two intensive meetings in Amsterdam and Barcelona and countless e-mail mes-sages, became a friend. Her help has been invaluable.
Helen Kruythoff Babette Baart Delft, June 1998
1
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Segregation problem issues and research objectives
Prevention and abatement of (spatial) segregation on the basis of income and ethnic iden-tity have been high on the Dutch political agenda for several years. Local authorities of the large(r) cities have been combating the problems of districts that show signs of physi-cal and socio-economic decline with varying success. The national government has be-come convinced of the need to tackle segregation in all its forms. Besides mounting an offensive against the causes of social marginalization, housing measures would have to make a contribution too. However, neither the possibilities nor the limitations of housing to make a difference have really been demonstrated.
The problem with (potentially) deprived areas is certainly not a typically Dutch one. Other cities in Europe and elsewhere have also encountered this problem, some even to a greater degree. In other places, too, policy is enforced to keep the contrasts between neighbourhoods and among population groups from getting out of hand. The local authority ofThe Hague and the Ministry of Housing (VROM ~ Housing, Spatial Planning, and the Environment) got together to explore the options. They have taken the initiative to set up an international exchange of experiences with regard to the opportunities and lirni-tations of policy -and particularly housing policy - as an instrument to prevent or reduce sp~tial segregation in the city and its region. The objective ofthis study is to find out what the experiences ofthe Netherlands and other countries can teach us about this problem. Two research institutes --AME (Amsterdam Center for the Metropolitan Environment, at the University of Amsterdam) and OTB (Research Institute for Housing, Urban and Mo-bility Studies, at Delft University of Technology)-- conducted a comparative study ofthis problem. The study covers six European cities and their agglomerations: The Hague, Birmingham, Frankfurt, Lille, Brussels, and Barcelona. The investigators asked several key informants in those European cities for information that could shed light on the fol-lowing questions:
1. What general economic and demographic trends are involved in the emergence and the abatement of segregation? How is the welfare state structured? To what extent has that structure been undergoing change recently?
2. To what extent is segregation seen as a problem by policy-makers at the national, the regional, and the locallevel? In what direction is the perception of segregation as a problem developing?
3. To what extent does segregation on the grounds of socio-economic position and ethnic identity occur within the city and between the city and its hinterland? How does the phenomenon of segregation develop at the local and the regionallevel? 4. What kind of policy is implemented at the national, the regional, and the local
level to combat segregation? To what extent are instruments used to buttress the economic structure, to offer training, to promote employment, to carry out physical planning, to revitalize the eities? What are the effects ofthose policies?
5. What specific instruments of housing policy are implemented to combat segrega-tion? What are the (expected) effects?
These questions outline the present study, which forms part of the wider investigation. Here, the task at hand is to analyse the Spanish/Catalan situation. The focus is on the city of Barcelona and its surrounding region, the Area Metropolitana de Barcelona. That city region fomis a case study. The case studies concerning the other five European cities have been reported in other issues ofthis book series.
In this study, we take segregation to mean the occurrence of spatial dividing lines sepa-rating areas in which there are large differences in the proportion of underprivileged groups in the population. As key indicators, we take the variables of income, unemploy-ment, and ethnic background. The censuses (1986 and 1991) are an important source of information. In principle, we distinguish two levels of scale. The first is the level of the district. The second is the level of the central city relative to the agglomeration. Some of the data from the 1991 census are also available at neighbourhood level. Where relevant, we have extended the analysis to that level. Our data include the percentages ofthe various groups in the different areas and-where possible-any changes recorded in those figures. We have applied a frequently used measure to describe the segregation in the city or re-gion respectively as a whoie. That measure is known as the index of segregation. lts range lies between 0 (where there is a totally even distribution ofthe group in question) and 100 (in the case of complete segregation). The measure indicates what percentage of the group would have to move to another district (neighbourhood, district or municipality, depend-ing on the scale of the analysis) to achieve an index value of 0 (see Appendix V for the formula used to calculate the index ).
We now turn to the case of Barcelona and its agglomeration.
1.2 The Barcelona Case
Barcelona is a city of 1.6 million people living packed together tightly on top of each other. The number of inhabitants per km2
is twice as great as in Lisbon, three times greater than in Madrid, four times greater than in Bolognà or Munich and five times greater than in Amsterdam (Castiella & Gómez, 1995). lt lies in the Autonomous Re-gion of Catalonia, a region a little smaller than the Netherlands and a littlc larger than
Belgium, a region with its own language and culture, a region that perceives itself - as far as possible - as a separate nation within Spain.
Since the last century Catalonia, and in particular the central city Barcelona, have been known as the factory of Spain. This was the reg ion where the industrial revolution took root. The textile industry in particular came here to full bioom. During the First World War Catalonia underwent a great economic blossoming, but the following period brought much sorrow and misery. The recession ofthe 1920s was followed by the Civil War which led into a dictatorship lasting almost 40 years. In the 1960s and the begin-ning of the 1970s the economy again flourished strongly, as e1sewhere in Europe. This attracted great streams of immigrants from the poorer PartS of Spain, particularly from the south of the country. General Franco strongly stimulated this immigration in the context of the 'de-catalanization' of Catalonia. The General certainly did not favour ideas about Catalan nationalism.
The inflow itse1f turned out to be beneficial for the economy, in particular for the building sector. In the suburbs huge cement tower blocks of flats rose up to accommo-date the new army of workers. But, after the economic crises in the 1970s, the economy also collapsed in Catalonia. Between 1970 and 1985, 25% of the employment opportu-nities in Barcelona were lost. The growth of the tourist industry could not match this.
The Catalonians are proud of the creativity and innovation which have repeatedly helped them to recover from economic setbacks. In 1983, the European Commission for Social Cohesion conc1uded that, with an unemployment rate of 21.3%, Catalonia came second in the regions ofthe European Union most affected by unemployment, after An-dalucia (with 22.5%). There were seven Spanish regions in Europe's top ten. In 1993 Andalucia still occupied the first place; by then the unemployment rate had risen to 33.3%. Catalonia had actually dropped to the 19th place. Although the unemployment rate had fallen it nevertheless stood at 19.9% (European Union, 1997). The importance of the city's economy in the Catalan and Spanish economy as a whole is considerabie. In 1995 Barcelona contributed nearly 40% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of Catalonia and 8.2% of the Spanish GDP, while its population constitutes 25% and 4% of those areas respectively (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 1997).
One ofthe impulses given to Barce1ona's economy was hosting the Olympic Games of 1992. Extensive infrastructure construction works had to be carried out, inc1uding a new ring road which markedly improved connections between the various parts of this densely built city. The Olympic Village, built by the sea to accommodate the athletes, comprised more than 2000 dwellings which were later sold for permanent accommoda-tion. After the Games a complete1y new neighbourhood arose which was·totally differ-ent from the ninetediffer-enth cdiffer-entury Poblenou ofwhich the village formed a part.
The history of Barcelona therefore provides enough reasons to suggest a sorting out of population groups has taken place in the city and in its agglomeration. This is the sub-ject ofthis study. In the following chapter the structural changes relevant to this sorting
out are considered. In the subsequent chapters, we also consider whether this sorting out can also be described on the basis of the characteristics of ethnicity, unemployment and income. The differences between districts within Barcelona (chapter 3) are considered, as are the differences between the municipalities of the agglomeration (chapter 4). In chapter 5 we give an overview of the policy at national, regional and local levels to counteract the segregation of population groups and the deprivation of areas. An evaluative chapter concludes the study.
2
ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CHANGES
2.1 Government context
Spain has four levels of govemment: the central govemment, the autonomous region, the province, and the municipality. Barcelona lies in the autonomous region of Catalo-nia (ab out 6 million inhabitants). In Catalonia the govemment pyramid has actually taken on an atypical form. The roots of Catalonia as one nation go back to the early Middle Ages. The main language of Catalonia, Catalan, also sterns from that time. The most important govemment institute, the Generalitat, was originally set up in 1359. For centuries Catalonia has formed part of the state of Spain, but has declared itself on a number of occasions to be an independent nation. This has usually been resolved at the negotiation table and the nation has acquired a certain identity of its own within the na-tional constitution.
During the dictatorship of Franco the Generalitat was abolished. The restoration of de-mocracy in Spain (1977) and the coming into force of a new Constitution in 1978 opened the way for the reinstitution of the Generalitat. Negotiations with the Spanish government led finally to this. From 1979 Catalonia officially had a form of self gov-emment and in 1980 the first elections took place. The Statute of Autonomy of Catalo-nia, the constitution of Catalonia, forms the basis for the self government of the Catalan nation. This specifies the rights and duties of the nation and determines the relationship with the Spanish central government.
The Statute made it possible to restore honourably another historie institution: the 'comarque', or county. The Statute stipulates that "the Generalitat shall structure its ter-ritorial organization in municipalities and counties and mayalso set up larger adminis-trative districts' (Pagés i Rejsek, 1996). The comarques (counties), 41 in Catalonia, were set up in 1987 with the County Organization of Catalonia Act. They are regions whose boundaries lie far back in history. As weil as 'natural units' they are also govemment units. With this, a fifth govemment layer was in fact created, between the municipalities and the four provinces of Catalonia. The existence of provincial govemment authorities is questioned in the context of Catalan nationalism, because they form no part of the ter-ritorial and political Catalan tradition. The Generalitat has therefore distanced itself from this government layer through declaring the provincial councils to be provisional
until legal conditions are in place for the integration of the four provinces into one province coterminous with the autonomous region of Catalonia. Whatever powers the Generalitat may delegate are divided between the counties and the Generalitat. With re-spect to the remaining powers, the provincial government authorities fall directly under the centra! Spanish government (Pagés i Rejsek, 1996).
The Genera!itat consists of a parliament, a president, and a cabinet. The parliament con-sists of 135 members, draws up the laws, determines the annual budget, monitors the activities of the government and elects the president. In a number of areas Catalonia has exc1usive powers, both in law giving and in law implementation. In other areas, inc1ud-ing that of housinc1ud-ing, the government of the Generalitat is restricted by the Spanish con-stitution.
The income ofthe Generalitat comes largely fIom the Spanish government, which trans-fers some tax income - once it has been received - to the autonomous region. This is a thom in the flesh of the autonomous region. Since prosperity there is above the average in Spain, relatively more is transferred over to the central government per inhabitant than is received. The Spanish government provides further financing for the services which they have transferred to the Generalitat. Financially, Cata!onia is thus far fIom independent of the Spanish government. Other sources of income include Catalan truç income, loans, debentures, etc.
The government and administration of the county are the responsibility of the County Council, which has jurisdiction within the territory of the county. The County Council comprises the councillors of the municipalities inc1uded in its territory. The number of members on each County Council is determined by the county' s population. The county that includes Barcelona, along with the municipalities of Badalona, Santa Coloma the Gramenet, St. Adrià the Besós and Hospitalet the Llobregat, is called Barcelonés.
Municipalities form the lowest administrative unit; there were 944 in Catalonia (in 1995) (Pagés i Rejsek, 1996).
2.2 Context for town and country planning and delimitation of the agglomera-tion of Barcelona
Town and country planning is regulated under the Ley del Suelo of 1992 (Land Use Act), arevision ofthe Ley del Suelo of 1975. This law lays down the basic standards to which local and regional plans must conform. Municipalities prepare their plans and the autonomous regional government authorities approve them. All urban territory must be assigned to one ofthree standard categories: urban (built up) region, land designated for urban development, and land not designated for development. These plans can be fur-ther worked out for subsidiary areas. Plans are reviewed every five years.
The law also provides for supralocal plans. The Pla General Metropolitá de Barcelona, PGMB (General Metropolitan Plan of Barcelona) of 1976 comprises 27 municipalities. The main objectives of this plan are the restrietion of growth and the provision of more open space. Large scale growth is restricted to Sant Cugat-Cerdanyola. This municipal-ity is thus labelled as a growth centre.
In 1987 certain local government acts (Lleis d'ürganizatció Territorial) were laid down. In addition to the establishment of the counties, they also provided for possibilities of regional planning. The surrounding urban area of Barcelona was divided into two re-gions, the Regió Metropolitana and the Area Metropolitana. They are regions explicitly designated in the laws of 1987 as regions where 'planning and coordination must take place at a regional level', without any precise indication of how the regions are demar-cated.
The Regió Metropolitana consisted initially of six counties to which another two were later added. The region over which the Area Metropolitana extends changes according to the policy field under consideration. In its most extensive form the region consists of 32 municipalities, which inc1udes the 27 of the PGMB. It forms the urban region sur-rounding Barcelona. (Mancomunitat the municipis, no year). In this study we focus on this region, the agglomeration of Barcelona. Half of the Catalan population live in the Area Metropolitana; two thirds live in the Regió Metropolitana. The Area Metropoli-tana, exc1uding the municipality of Barcelona, is also known as the first ring; the region of the Regió Metropolitana outside the Area Metropolitana is known as the second ring (see figure 2.1).
2.3 Economic development, suburbanization and immigration
The Area Metropolitana of Barcelona is the largest industrial agglomeration of Spain, with 25,000 more employment places in industry than Madrid. Between 1950 and 1975 the agglomeration underwent an explosive growth which coincicled with astrong popu-lation increase. The population of Catalonia grew in 25 years from 3.2 million to 5.7 million inhabitants. This was mostly the consequence of an immigration flow from other parts of Spain and involved poorly educated workers in particular. The planning of urban growth left much to be desired. Housing was constructed haphazardly, in the outer districts and fringe municipalities of Barcelona, but also in municipalities situated further away in the Area Metropolitana such as Gavá and Sant Vincenç deis Horts (see figure 4.1). These complexes lie mostlyon the periphery of the municipality; in most municipalities of the Area Metropolitana the higher income groups tend to live in the centre. The economie boom also attracted some workers from abroad, inc1uding North Africans who came into the country via France, but these workers often left again when the economie reces si ons of the 1970s dealt their blows.
Figure 2.1
...
IGeograpbical situation of Barcelona in tbe Area Metropolitana and tbe Regió Metropolitana
_ Boundary Area Metropolitana ••••• ••• Boundary Regió Metropolitana
The foreign population in the Area Metropolitana accounts for just 1.4% of the popula-ti on as a whoie. Unti11985, 70% ofthe immigrants consisted ofpeople originating from the industrialized countries; by 1991 this had fallen to half. In more recent years the in-flow from the non industrialized countries has increased rapidly. In 1994 the number of immigrants from these countries was estimated at between 40,000 and 55,000, ofwhom half were illegal. Illegality is the source of many problems: no housing, no legal work.
The immigrants from the non industrialized countries live for the most part in the mu-nicipality of Barcelona, but also in other municipalities where industrial companies are established, such as Gavá.
As in other European agglomerations at the end of the 1970s and beginning of the 1980s, the economic structure was strongly affected by diversification, flexibilization, a decrease in the industrial sector, an increase of the service sector, and the geographic deconcentration of employment opportunities. The work opportunities which disap-peared from the city or moved to the suburban regions were not sufficiently compen-sated for by 'new' work opportunities brought by the restoration of the !,!conomy at the end of the 1980s. The population of the municipality Barcelona stabilized in 1979 but it has since fallen. Since the beginning of the 1980s the population of the Area Metro-politana has also decreased. Suburbanization is in full flow and has already moved from the first to the second ring. Suburbanization continued after the restoration of the econ-omy in the second half of the 1980s. This was also the case for the economic
fluctua-tions of the 1990s. According to the records, in 1987 Barcelona lost 11,000 inhabitants; in 1993, 18,000 (Mancomunitat de Municipis, no year).
The restoration of the economy at the end of the 1980s resulted partly from the devel-opment of new products and new production technology; new investments also came from abroad, and the tourist sector grew. The preparations for the Olympic Games of 1992 brought about extra work opportunities, although this growth was for the most part not structural. In 1993 the unemployment rate again rose strongly; this relapse is re-storing itself again. The years of economic expansion also led to an unprecedented boom in the property market. The scarcity of availalable land and the strong demand for tertiary uses led to a sharp ri se in land and housing prices. Spains's admission to the European Common Market generated astrong demand for offices. Between 1987 and 1992 office floor space increased by 25%. The City Council of Barcelona refers to the economic activities ending with the Olympic Games as 'the first transformation of Bar-ce10na'. When the dec1ine in activity became evident once the Games were over, the start ofthe 'second major transformation' to put Barcelona definitive1y among the major European cities was promoted. This second transformation impinged on three main ob-jectives: employment, public transport and infrastructure, and housing (Ajuntament de Barcelona, 1997).
People often move to the suburbs with the intention, besides living nearer to their work, of improving their quality of life. This is particularly the case for the higher income -groups, but it also applies' to the middle income and socially mobile lower income groups. A very important reason for moving house is to find suitable, but affordable, ac-commodation. In the city and its immediate vicinity this is difficult. The following sec-tion addresses the provision of housing in more detail.
2.4 Developments in housing and housing policy
In Spain housing was regulated for a long time via the private rented sector. Although legislation was directed towards the protection of tenants, and not of lower income groups as such, in practice housing for these groups was provided. After the Civil War rents weré frozen until the implementation of the Llei d'Arrendaments Urbans (Urban Rents Acts), which was in force from 1964 to 1994. This law liberalized rents, but only for contracts for rented property drawn up after 1964. In practice a contract to rent could hardly ever be broken; after the death of a tenant three successive members ofthe family could take over the tenancy. Eviction in the case of non payment of rent was very diffi-cult. To be a private landlord became unpopular. Other, better investment opportunities began to occur and, as the purchase of a house came more and more within the reach of consumers, more houses were sold (Alberdi & Levenfeld, 1996). In 1991 the greatest part of the housing stock in Spain belonged to the owner-occupied sector (78%). This was still 51% in 1960. Of the rest 8% is c1assified as 'other' (neither purchased nor rented), and just 15% is rented.
· I f11 ~,.!,!' ~
Of the supply of housing to rent, just a small share is social rented housing -that is to say dwellings which are built for rent with direct government subsidies. They ac-counted for just 1 % of the total housing supply in 1989. The social rented sector is negligible. Originally it did exist, but it was in private hands. Rented houses were built by private parties with subsidies; after a certain period, usually 25 years, the houses reverted to the 'free sector'
Since 1978 the government has been aware that the rented sector must be developed in the interests of low income groups and starters on the housing market. From 1985 con-tracts could be drawn up without restrietions on duration or price. This practice was based on a draft law (Ley de Boyer), a ruling without legal force, since-it had not been enforced by Parliament. The draft law however had an immediate positîve effect on the number of vacant properties coming onto the market (Alberdi and Levenfeld, 1996). From that time there have been three sorts of rent agreements in the private rented sec-tor:
agreed before 1964: indefinite duration and fixed rent (26% rented dwellings); agreed between 1964-1985: indefinite duration but with the possibility of rent in-creases in line with price indexing (52%);
agreed after 1985: free determination of price and duration of contract.
The new Urban Rents Act only came into force in 1994. This law, which has enforced practice since 1985, makes it possible to draw up agreements which are free in terms of the determination of rent and the duration of the tenancy contract. Only when the latter is less than five years does the tenant have the right to renew the tenancy period for five years. In any case the landlord now has a perspective of being able to repossess a dwelling within a foreseeable period. Further, the law provides a simplification of evic-.
ti on procedure following non payment of rent. Also, for contracts made earlier the new law improves the landlord's position with respect to the tenant's. These changes have been made with a view to stimulating the private renting of dwellings (Alberdi and Lev-enfeld, 1996).
Housing policy in Spain has thus in recent years been increasingly directed to the im-provement of mobility in the rented sector to promote access to the housing supply for lower income groups and starters. In addition this has been promoted through a system of subsidies directed in part to these groups. According to Alberdi and Levenfeld (1996), in Spain there is no housing policy specially directed to such target groups as the elderly, women, immigrants, slum dwellers, young people, as is the case in some other European countries. But such a policy is now emerging, to a restricted extent (see Chapter 5).
Because the sector of owner-occupied houses became so large, housing policy - when this was further developed - was primarily focused on this sector. Since the mid 1970s there have been fiscal advantages for owner occupiers:
Lower rate of value added tax (V AT) for new houses; implementation of equivalent VAT for existing houses.
Deduction of 15% of the purchase price from taxabie income, to a maximum of the taxabie basis, that is to say: ofthe repayments.
Mortgage interest deductible up to 800,000 ptas per year.
The last two measures led to a reduction of 3 to 4 percentage points in the mortgage in-terest. The higher the income the more advantageous are these forms of fiscal advantage (Alberdi and Levenfeld, 1996).
The most important housing instrument is the 'Vivienda de Proteccion Official' (VPO; 'officially protected housing'), put into operation in 1978. In the VPO context subsidies are granted to both the demand and the supply side for new housing. In 1984 the schemes were extended to house improvement and in 1989 to the purchase of existing houses. There was also support for the production of houses in the rented sector, but this remained of subordinate significance. In 1989 another VPO category, intended to assist the lowest incomes households, was added. Subsidies were granted by both the central government and (the lion's share) the autonomous governments.
The dwelling had to satisfy a number of requirements to qualify as VPO:
The builder (a government company or a private developer) may not sell the dwelling for a price other than that laid down by the central government. The price for a VPO dwelling always lies bel ow the market price.
The dwelling may not be larger than 90 square metres. "Starters" on the housing market may not buy a VPO dwelling of more than 70 square metres.
A VPO dwelling remains under the VPO system for 30 years following delivery;
during this period the rent or purchase price is determined by the local government authorities.
The purchasers/tenants of a VPO dwelling must also satisfy certain requirements: They must reside in the dwelling as a "first" dwelling.
They must not be the owners of another VPO dwelling in the same municipality with a market value 20% higher than the purchase price of the VPO which they wish to buy.
The purchasers must satisfy certain income criteria. Two systems have been devel-oped for this; a special, and a general system. People with an annual income of 2.5 times the official minimum income or less (in 1991 about 2.5 million pesetas per year) fall under the special system. People with an income greater than 2.5 times and less than 5.5 times the official minimum income fall under the general system. Vnder the general system, subsidized loans are granted. Vnder the special system,
grants are also made available as direct subsidies on the purchase price. (Pareja and Riera, 1993).
In 1982 the competence with regard to the development of social housing was passed from the central state authorities to the Autonomous Community of Catalonia. This transfer was soon followed by the establishment of the public development company In
-stitut Català del Sol (INCASOL). This company has been entrusted with the acquirement and provision of land for the construction of new social housing and with the
develop-ment and managedevelop-ment of the dwellings. The company operates either on its own, or in
cooperation with local authorities or private enterprise.
Housing policy has been further formalized in the last few years by the establishment of a housing plan (Plan the Vivienda). The first version was valid for the period 1992
-1995. Au updated version for 1996-1999 is now in force. In the general plan it is laid down that the autonomous regions must work out the plans specifically to suit their own situations. We consider in Chapter 5 the housing plans ofSpain and ofCatalonia. Both researchers and civil servants point out that the measures taken do not provide an adequate solution to the problems of the many lower income households looking for somewhere to live. Still, there is no quantitative housing shortage in Spain; the number offirst dwellings available is the same as the number ofhouseholds. (We purposely use the term first dwellings here, because of the relatively large number of second dwellings to be found in Spain.) Qualitatively speaking there is a shortage because of the great discrepancy between house prices and incomes.
In Catalonia there is a great shortage of first dwellings. This shortage is stabie for Cata-lonia as a whoie, but in the Area Metropolitana it doubled in the period 1981-1991 (Mancomunitat de Municipis, no year). The shortage in the Area Metropolitana is 9,000 dwellings. A considerable part of the population cannot get a house because prices are too high. This is one reason why people increasingly seek to solve their housing prob-lems further out ofthe city. Average prices slide down steadily between the city and the second ring. In Barcelona the average price per square meter is 230,000 pesetas (Ptas), while in the first ring it is 181,000 and in the second ring 132,000. The Mancomunitat de Municipis (the united municipalities of the Area Metropolitana) and the Institut d'Estudis Metropolitans conclude that the demand for (first) dwellings is being met in-creasingly often by the supply of second and empty dwellings. In the área and the regió the proportion of second dwellings is falling, but in the rest of Catalonia it is increasing. There is still a considerable demand for second dwellings in the region. Au enquiry in 1990 (1 , Enquesta Metropolitana 1990) revealed that 21 % of people in the region had a second dwelling, often on the coast. For Barcelonians that percentage is 29% (Mancomunitat de Municipis, no year).
3
SPATlAL SEGREGATION AT DISTRICT LEVEL
3.1 The districts
Barcelona can be divided up into ten districts and 38 neighbourhoods. On average a district consists of 164,500 inhabitants and a neighbourhood of 43,250 inhabitants. Both districts and neighbourhoods differ strongly in size. Districts range from about 90,000 (Ciutat Vella) to about 274,000 (Eixample) inhabitants. The range of inhabitants per neighbourhood is 1,500 to 10,000 inhabitants.
We consider first some differences between the districts. From a morphological point of view there is a sharp separation between the very densely populated medieval city, Ciu-tat Vella, and the more spacious development built around the turn ofthe century: Eix-ample. Most of Barcelona's area consists of districts which were built later, or fringe municipalities which were added to the city. The greatest extensions took place between 1960 and 1980. After that there was relatively little more new building; the city was confined by its boundaries which, apart from the administrative demarcation, were de-termined by the sea on one side and hills on the other.
The districts also differ strongly from each other in another sense. In the following sec-tion the districts are described using certain characteristics of the housing supply and their residents. In the subsequent sections the question of the extent to which segrega-tion can be said to have taken place is considered on the basis of other indicators of so-cial deprivation such as ethnic origin, unemployment and income.
3.2 Profile of inhabitants and housing supply
In 1991, 61% of the housing supply (first dwellings) in Barcelona was made up of houses to buy and 36% ofrented housing (tabie 3.1). In 1970 this relationship had been precisely the reverse. In the last few decades the owner occupied sector in Barcelona has increased rapidly, although the rented sector there is quite substantial compared with the Spanish or Catalan average. The housing supply is old. Almost half of it dates from be-fore 1940 and the part that has been added since 1980 represents just 5% of the housing supply.
Figure 3.1 Tbe division of tbe municipality Barcelona into 10 districts
Source: Area Metropolitana de Barcelona, Direcci6 de Serve is d'Ordenaci6 Urbanistica, Servei d'Estudis Territoriales.
At district level there is a strong contrast between the old inner city of Barcelona, the district Ciutat Veil a, and the rest. To begin with, this difference is expressed in the fact that in Ciutat Vella the percentages of rented and owner occupied houses are precisely the opposite of the city as who Ie; two thirds of the dwellings are rented and one third owner occupied (tabie 3.1). Nou Barris has the highest share of owner occupied houses (78%), closely followed by Sant Marti (74%) and Sant Andreu (73%). The extreme on the other end of the scale is to be found in the districts Sarrià-Sant Gervasi and Les Corts. With respect to average living surface area, Sarrià-Sant Gervasi with an average of 120 m2 stands weil above the other districts; 37% ofthe dwellings there also have a
surface area of more than 125 m2, 32% have two 'proper' bathrooms and the land regis-try value (which may differ from the market value) of dwellings is the highest after Les Corts.
Table 3.1 First dwellings in Barcelona and per district according to ownership sector, 1991 (%)
Districts rotal number Dwellings Dwellings Other rotal ofdwellings to buy to rent
Ciutat Vella 36,107 33 65 3 100 Eixample 103,096 53 44 3 100 Sants-Montjuïc 65,710 62 36 2 100 Les Corts 30,021 68 28 3 100 Sarrià-Sant Gervasi 49,429 57 39 4 100 Gràcia 47,753 53 45 2 100 Horta-Guinardó 60,868 69 29 2 100 Nou Sarris 62,169 73 23 3 100 Sant Andreu 48,484 70 27 3 100 Sant Mart! 73,003 71 25 3 100 Barcelona 576,640 61 36 3 100 Source: Cens d'habitatges 1991, Institut d'Estadlstica de Catalunya, in: Esteve, 1997.
This district still awaits radical urban renewal. In the inner city more than 84% of the housing supply dates from before the Second World War and half from before 1901 (tabie 3.2). Many dwellings are very smal!: 54% have a surf ace area of less than 60 m2;
half ofthose are no larger than 40 m2. Their average surface area is 68 m2. In Barcelona as a who Ie the percentage of dwellings smaller than 60 m2 is 28% and the average sur-face area is 80 m2.
The quality of housing in Ciutat Vella is poor; the dwellings there do not come up to present day requirements. More than half of them only have a 'provisional' bathroom. However, in Barcelona as a whole this is the case for 34% ofthe dwellings.
Table 3.2 First dwellings in Barcelona according to building period (horizontally percentaged) and average age (estimate)
Districts Before 1901- 1941- 1961- After Average
1900 1940 1960 1980 1980 age Ciutat Vella 50 34 7 7 1 99 Eixample 7 39 14 36 5 50 Sants-Montjuïc 6 28 12 48 6 42 Les Corts 7 14 69 11 25 Sarrià-Sant Gervasi 1 15 28 51 6 34 Gràcia 7 30 14 46 5 46 Horta-Guinardó 6 23 67 5 27 Nou Barris 0 2 25 70 5 26 Sant Andreu 2 8 15 70 4 28 Sant Mart! 4 15 15 61 5 34 Barcelona 7 20 17 52 5 41
Source: Cens d'habitatges 1991, Institut d'Estadistica de Catalunya, in: Esteve, 1997.
15 "
Buildings in distress (Ciutat Vella)
Photo: HK
Accordingly, the average land register value per square metre of the dwellings in Ciutat Vella is just half the average value in Barcelona. In fact, Ciutat Vella is not the only district scoring low on the housing market. The districts Sant Montjuïc, Horta-Guinardó, Sant Marti, Sant Andreu and Nou Barris also have a relatively large share of small dwellings of poorer quality. These are districts which attached themselves to the city between 1950 and 1980. Most of the housing supply dates from the 1960s. Sants Montjuïc has an older centre dating from the beg inning of the twentieth century. The average surface area of a dwelling in Nou Barris (65 m2
) is even smaller than in Ciutat Vella. In all these districts, when measured in terms of the presence of a satisfactory bathroom, the quality of life of many dwellings can be said to be less than satisfactory (Ajuntament de Barcelona, Departament d'Estadistica).
The population of Barcelona is ageing rapidly. The prognosis for the year 2000 is that one in five inhabitants will be older than 65 years. In Ciutat Vella the proportion of eld-erly people is the highest, although there are many more also living in adjoining Eixam-ple and in Gràcia. As one would expect, there are many peoEixam-ple living alone in the Old City. Single households account for 34% of the dwellings in Ciutat Veil a in contrast with 21 % in Barcelona. Even so, the average population density is still 2.41 (the average for Barcelona is 2.79). In addition to these single person households obviously there are also many large households. The percentage of households with more than five persons is actually above the average of Barcelona. Large families are further to be found mostly in the expensive district of Sarrià-Sant Gervasi.
Lack of education is a heavy handicap for people who want to make good their social deprivation. -In 1981, the population of Barcelona aged 15-64 years that was illiterate was still 4%. In Ciutat Vella, Nou Barris and Sant Mart! this figure was 6.9%, 6.4% and
5.4% respectively. Although illiteracy has been driven back to the greatest extent in these districts, their rates are still the highest. In Ciutat Vella in 1991, 0.6% of the population aged 15-64 was illiterate; in Barcelona this percentage had dec1ined to 0.18%. Illiteracy is particularly high in the neighbourhood of Ciutat Vella called Bar-celoneta. There, 1 % of the 15-64 age group is illiterate (9ómez, 1994). Although the share of this group with-as it would seem , the poorest of perspectives-is very small, they are still concentrated in the old city. At district level, we have ca1culated a segrega-tion index of 57. At neighbourhood level, the index is lower but still high: 38.
In the districts Sarrià-Sant Gervasi and Les Corts illiteracy hardly occurs (Gómez,
1994).
Appendix I contains some tables which illustrate further the above description of dwellings and inhabitants in the districts.
3.3 Ethnicity
In Barcelona the question of an immigrant population does not have the same signifi-cance as in the cities of many other European countries, for example in France, Ger-many, the Netherlands and Belgium. Although some immigrants do live in Barcelona, they only make up a small proportion of the total population. Although increasing (Mancomunitat the municipis, no year), their numbers are still too limited to form a concentrated group. Figures per district for place of birth per inhabitant are only avail-able for just one year (1991); this is comparabie with what is known in the Netherlands as first generation immigrants.
Three districts score weIl above the average percentage; Sarrià-Sant GerVasi, Ciutat Vella and Les Corts (figure 3.2). In comparison with for instance certain districts in The Hague (Kruythoff et al., 1997) the percentages here are very low. The immigrants live to some extent segregated in the city; the segregation index is 19.4. In the case of Barce-lona we cannot distinguish between people from industrialized and non industrialized countries. However, there are data available on the continent of birth. The segregation
indexes for groups from different continents vary strongly, as can be seen in table 3.3. People bom in Asian countries are much more segregated from the rest of the Barcelona population than those bom in Europe, Africa or America. The Asians have settled mostly in Ciutat Vella and Eixample; 45% of this population group live in these two districts (Canals et al., 1994).
Figure 3.2 Districts of Barcelona according to percentage of persons born abroad per district, 1991
@2]
1.7 to 2.1~ 2.1 to 2.5
111
2.5to 4.7•
4.7 to 6.2Source: Area Metropolitana de Barcelona, Direcció de Serve is d'Ordenació Urbanistica, Serve i
Table 3.3 Foreign-born population of Barcelona according to continent of birth
(%) and segregation index (district level) per group, 1991
Continent of birth Number Percentage Segration index
Europe 18,280 37.6 16.4 Asia 4,562 9.4 35.5 Afrika 6,687 13.7 15.5 America 19,029 39.1 18.3 Oceania 96 0.2 * Tota!** 48,654 100 18.3
* Too few observatiollS.
**
From the tota! number we may conclude that the continent of birth of a small part of the foreign bom is unknown; these cases have been disregarded. For this reason the segregation index differs slightly from the index for 'abroad' in table 3.4Source: Departarnent d'Estadistica, Ajuntament de Barcelona, in: Canals et al., 1994.
Considering the special place Catalonia takes within Spain it is also interesting to con-sider the origin in another light. In the decades after the Civil War there was a strong in-flux of people coming from other parts of Spain. Table 3.4 shows first that almost 60% of the inhabitants of Barcelona were bom there. In all districts at least half of the in-habitants are bom in the city. Relatively few people were bom elsewhere in Catalonia, but almost a third were bom in another part of Spain. This last group Jives to some ex-tent, although not markedly, segregated from the Catalonians; about 14% of the non
Catalonians would have to move house to achieve an even distribution over the city, that is to say at district level. Most immigrants from other Spanish regions live in Nou Bar-ris, one of the less favourable districts of Barcelona. Then follow the other districts which, as we have said, are to be found at the bottom end of the housing market. One could tentatively conc1ude that a relative1y large proportion of people coming from the rest of Spain are directed to the bottom end of the housing market, although of course this connection cannot be made directly.
As can be seen in table 3.4 the segregation indexes for the various groups according to their origin increase slightly when measured on the level of the neighbourhood.
The neighbourhoods of Parc, Gotic and Raval (Ciutat Vella) have above average per-centages of foreign bom inhabitants. This is also true for the affluent neighbourhoods of Sarrià and Sant Gervasi. Pedralbes (Les Corts) houses the largest share of non Spanish (9%). It may be assumed that the origin of the foreigners in the three last mentioned
neighbourhoods is mainly different than that of the immigrants living in the old city neighbourhoods. Unfortunately, the data do not allow us to verify that assumption. It is said that gypsies form an ethnic minority concentrated in Barcelona and also in the
region. This group is not visible in the statistics. They usually have Spanish nationaJity and Spanish names, but they also have their own language and culture. Some gypsies are quite integrated in the rest of Spanish society. Others perceive themselves as an eth-nic group and are distinguished as such by non gypsies. They tend to occupy a lowly
Table 3.4 Population of Barcelona and its districts according to place of birth, 1991 (row %)
Districts In In rest of In rest of Abroad
Barcelona Catalonia Spain
Ciutat Vella 53.1 7.6 33.6 5.7 Eixample 60.2 11.8 24.3 3.7 Sants-Montjuïc 58.8 8.7 30.1 2.5 Les Corts 58.5 12.2 24.7 4,? Sarrià-Sant Gervasi 64.7 11.7 17.4 6.2 Gràcia 62.4 10.8 23.4 3.4 Horta-Guinardó 55.1 6.7 35.9 2.3 Nou Barris 50.6 5.3 42.4 1.7 Sant Andreu 57.3 7.7 33.0 2.1 Sant Marti 56.6 7.4 34.0 2.0 Barcelona 57.8 8.9 30.2 3.2 Segregation index, district level 6.4 13.1 14.1 19.4 Segregation index, neighbourhood level 8.1 14.3 15.6 20.2
Source: Instituto Nacionale d'Estadistica de Catalunya, Cens d'habitants 1991.
position on the social ladder. In the districts where there are many gypsies poverty and unemployment are also to be found, and the connection with the rest of the (Catalan) community is wealc
3.4 Unemployment and income
In Spain, unemployment is usually measured as a percentage of the active labour force, viz. the employed, the unemployed (formerly employed) and those looking for their first job (see table 3.5 and figure 3.3). For unemployment rates given. as percentages of the total (potential) work force defined as the population aged 15-64 years, see appendix II. In 1991 the unemployment rate in Barcelona was relatively low, lower than in Catalo-nia, and moreover considerably less than it had been in 1986. Of course, 1991 was a particularly favourable year for work opportunities in Barcelona. For four years, from 1989 to 1992, work was carried out on the Olympic Village and the rest of the infra-structure needed for the Olympic Games of 1992. The work gave employment to mariy tens of thousands ofpeople. There is every reason to believe that a slump in work op-portunity would follow. For Catalonia as a whoie, after 1991 the figures for registered unemployment (which do not tally with the figures from the censuses) rose until'1993 and then fell slightly in 1994.
From figure 3.3 it can be seen that in 1991 there were relatively many unemployed peo-ple in several districts. The unemployment rate was far and away the highest in Ciutat Vella, but relatively many unemployed people also lived in Sant Marti, Nou Barris, Sants-MontjuÏc and, to a les ser extent in Sant Andreu.
Figure 3.3 Districts of Barcelona according to percentage of unemployment in tbe active labour force, 1991
!lill'J 9.0 to 11.2
~ 11.2 to 13.9
111
13.9 to 15.7• 15.7 to 20.3
Source: Area Metropolitana de Barcelona, Direcci6 de Serveis d'Ordenaci6 Urbanistica, Serve i d'Estu-dis Territoriales
Table 3.5 again confirms the picture that unemployment in Barcelona has declined con-siderably. The unemployment rate has fallen for all the districts in Barcelona. Actually, all the districts with above average scores for 1991 also scored above average in 1986. The relative position of these districts seems to be incapable of improvement. The seg -regation of the unemployed is relatively low at district level compared with the situation encountered elsewhere in Europe. When measured in relation to the potential labour force, the 1991 index is even lower: 8.7. It must be borne in mind that the scale on . which the segregation is measured is fairly rough; the districts of Barcelona are large. But when measured at the level of neighbourhoods the indexes hardly change. When the unemployed are set against the rest of the 15-64 age group, the segregation index is 9.1. When set against the rest ofthe active labour force, the index is 10.8.
Table 3.5 Percentage of unemployed in tbe active labour force per district in Barcelona, 1986 and 1991 Districts I. Ciutat Vella 2. Eixample 3. Sants-MontjuÏc 4. Les Corts 5. Sarrià-Sant Gervasi 6. Gràcia 7. Horta-Guinardó 8. Nou Sarris 9. Sant-Andreu 10. Sant Marti Unemployed 1986 30.3 17.6 22.6 15.4 14.2 18.5 22.5 27.6 22.7 23.5 Barcelona 21.4 Segregation-index 10.9
Source: Instituto Nacional d'Estadistica de Catalunya, Cens de Poblacio 1991
Unemployed 1991 20.3 11.2 15.0 9.8 9.0 12.1 13.9 16.8 14.3 15.7 13.7 10.0
Unemployment is particularly high in the neighbourhoods of Raval (district of Ciutat Vella) and Montjuïc (Sants-Montjuïc) and Bon Pastor (Sant Andreu). Extremely low unemployment rates are to be found in the two neighbourhoods of Les Corts and Sarrià (Sarrià-Sant Gervasi) (see appendix II).
Table 3.6 gives the income per head ofthe population per district for 1981 and 1993. The income of 1981 has been corrected to allow for inflation from 1981 to 1993; the re-ported amounts are thus tied to 1993 price levels.
Table 3.6 Average income per inbabitant per district in tbe municipality of Barcelona, 1981 and 1993 (botb in Ptas of 1993)
Districts Income 1981 Income 1993 Relative growth
1981-1993 I. Ciutat Vella 1,125,474 1,295,656 15.1 2. Eixample 1,584,233 2,132,058 34.6 3. Sants-Montjuïc 1,275,872 1,604,534 25.7 4. Les Corts 1,876,677 2,340,271 24.7 5. Sarrià-Sant Gervasi 1,793,~04 2,507,197 39.8 6. Gràcia 1,447,759 1,855,484 28.2 7. Horta-Guinardó 1,188,000 1,576,981 32.7 8. Nou Barris 997,460 1,267,627 27.1 9. Sant-Andreu 1,197,130 1,551,481 29.6 10. Sant Marti 1,182,228 1,677,428 41.8 Barcelona 1.365,778 1,818,790 33.2
Figure 3.4 Districts of Barcelona according to average disposable household in-come* per inhabitant, 1993
BRC1JNK
*
Estimation of the Municipality of Barcelona. Source: Castiella & G6mez, 1995.1267627 to 1551481 1551481 to 1604534 1604534 to 2132058 2132058 to 2507197
The two districts with the highest unemployment percentages, Nou Barris and Ciutat VeIl a, have the lowest average incomes. Nou Barris also scored lowest in 1981, but with respect to that, year income has increased reasonably. The growth percentage in Ciutat VeIl a is the lowest of the whole city and less than half the average growth.
As is to be expected, the three districts with the lowest unemployment rates also have the highest average income (figure 3.4). The highest growth percentages are to be found in Sant Marti, Sarrià-Sant Gervasi and Eixample. The first district also has an above av-erage unemployment percentage, in contrast with the other two districts.
The average income in Sarrià-Sant Gervasi (highest) is twice as high as in Nou Barris (lowest). In 1981 the differencebetween the highest average income (Les Corts) and the lowest (Nou Barri) was much the same: 1.9 to one.
Contemporary arcbitec-ture in tbe middle of old Raval
4
BARCELONA AND THE AREA
METROPOLI-TANA
4.1 Introduction
Figure 4.1 Division of the Area Metropolitana into 32 municipalities
r - - - -
·
- - - -
-._---_._---~
Source: Area Metropolitana de Barcelona, Direcció de Serveis d'Ordenació Urbanfstica, Serve i d'Estu-dis Territoriales.
As is also set out in the second chapter, the urban environment of Barcelona is divided into two scale levels: the Area Metropolitana and the Regió Metropolitana (figure 2.1).
Table 4.1 Number of inhabitants per municipality in the Area Metropolitana,
and the growth percentage 1986-1991
Municipalities Inhabitants Inhabitants 199 I Relative Growth
1986 1986-1991 (%)
Badalona 225,016 218,725 -2.8
Barberà del Vallès 29,917 31,147 4.1
Barcelona 1,701,812 1,643,542 -3.4
Begues 1,534 2,029 32.3
CastelIbisbal 4,057 4,983 22.8
Castelldefels 27,932 33,017 18.2
Cerdanyola del ValIès 53,537 56,612 5.7
CornelIà de Llobregat 86,928 84,927 -2.3 Esplugues de Llobregat 47,670 48,310 1.3 Gavà 32,351 35,204 8.8 l'Hospitalet de Llobregat 279,779 272,578 -2.6 Molins de Rei 18,160 17,840 -1.8 Montcada i Reixac 25,499 26,356 3.4 Montgat 7,276 7,286 0.1 PalIejà 5,919 6,599 11.5 el Papiol 3,080 3,327 8.0 el Prat de L10bregat 63,052 64,321 2.0 Ripollet 25,833 26,782 3.7
Sant Adrià de Besós 34,735 34,154 -1.7
Sant Andreu de la Barca 14,298 14,475 1.2
Sant Boi de Llobregat 75,789 77,932 2.8
Sant Climent de L10bregat 2,111 2,289 8.4
Sant Cugat del ValIès 35,302 38,937 10.3
Sant Feliu de L10bregat 37,394 36,608 -2.1
Sant laan Despi 23,867 24,977 4.7
Sant lust Desvern 11,379 12,471 9.6
Sant Vicenç deis Horts 20,397 20,836 2.2
Santa Coloma de Cervello 2,662 3,030 13.8
Santa Coloma de Gramenet 135,258 133,138 -1.6
Tiana 3,911 4,685 19.8
Torrelles de Llobregat 1.827 2,352 28.7
Viladecans 45.071 48,294 7.2
Total Area Metropolitana 3.083.353 3,037,763 -1.5
Area Metropolitana exc1 Barcelona 1.381.541 1,394,221 0.9
Regió Metropolitana 4.229.527 4,264,422 0.8
Regió exc1 Area Metropolitana 1.146.174 1,226,659 7.0
Source: Mancomunitat the municipis de l'Area Metropolitana de Barcelona, IEC, Censos de població i
In total the Regió Metropolitana consists of 163 municipalities; 32 municipalities make up the Area Metropolitana - the urban agglomeration surrounding Barcelona (figure 4.1). The Area Metropolitana forms the context for the analysis in this section; the level of the analysis is the municipalities. The larger area, the Regió Metropolitana, also forms an important geographic framework for the developments in and around Barce-lona. We shal! consider the relevant aspects ofthis.
Table 4.1 shows the population development between 1986 and 1991 described in gen-eral terms in chapter two. In the last few years the number of inhabitants of Regió Metropolitana has remained stabie. Although the population of the first ring has de-clined, that of the second ring has increased. This increase was caused by people mov-ing from the first rmov-ing to the second rmov-ing and through natural population growth in the second ring, where relatively many young families live (Mancomunitat Municipis, no year).
The table makes it clear that, in relation to the municipalities as a who Ie, Barcelona lost the greatest number of inhabitants between 1986 and 1991, both in absolute and in rela-tive terms. After Barcelona, particularly the municipalities in the vicinity ofthe city lost residents. It is striking that the number of inhabitants declined for al! the municipalities of the county Barcelonés. One of the three municipalities outside this county with a population decline, Cornel!á the Llobregat, borders on Barcelonés. The other two, Mo-lins the Rei and Sant Feliu the Llobregat, lie a little further away, but are nevertheless situated close to Barcelona in a central part of the Area Metropolitana.
In general the municipalities in the first ring with a population increase lie at the edge of this area, next to the second ring. Interestingly, many of these smal! municipalities un-derwent a stronger growth than the designated 'growth municipality' of Sant Cugat. This was also the case for one larger municipality (circa 30,000 inhabitants): Castellde-fels.
In the whole of the first ring, including Barcelona, the number of inhabitants declined, while the area excluding Barcelona underwent a smal! increase. The second ring under -went a substantial increase in the number of inhabitants. Consistent with this in the sec-ond ring more waste land was taken into use than in the first ring (Mancomunitat Mu-nicipis no year).
The changes in population have mainly been brought about by interregional housing movements. Inhabitants of Barcelona have moved to the second ring and, to alesser de-gree, to the municipalities in the first ring. Inhabitants of the first ring have mostly moved to the second ring. In general the majority of the population remain in the Regió Metropolitana. In the region, excluding the Area, the population increased between 1986 and 1991 by 7.0%. The migration to and from outer areas is limited; population increase in the region as a whole is mostly the result of natural growth.
As indicated above, immigration from abroad is insignificant in comparison with many West European countries. In 1970 the nurnber offoreigners in Catalonia was 32,000; in 1990 it was 66,000. This was just one percent ofthe total population. Most (70%) ofthe foreign population were living in the province of Barcelona, followed by Girona with 19%. Nine and two percent respectively were resident in Tarragona and Lleida. (Aiguabella et al., 1995).
The inflow of foreigners from outside the EU has increased. However, this group still does not constitute a substantial part of the population of Barcelona and surroundings.
4.2 Unemployment
The Area Metropolitana, Spain's largest industrial agglomeration, has 384,000 jobs in industry. Most work opportunities are actually to be found in the tertiary sector. The to-tal nurnber of jobs in the Area Metropolitana amounts to 1.1 million. In the Regió Metropolitana as a whole the total number of jobs is 1.6 million; work opportunities are very unevenly distributed over the region.
Much industrial activity has been moved out of Barcelona and to alesser extent from the rest of the first ring. Actually, the number of jobs lost in the city was smaller than the nurnber created in the first ring. From 1975 to 1991,35,655 jobs were lost in Bar-celona while in the Area Metropolitana 44,095 jobs were gained. The nurnber of jobs in the second ring grew by far and away the most; in the same period 160,000 extra jobs were gained here (Mancomunitat the Municipis, no year). As stated above, the nurnber of inhabitants in Barcelona also feIl. This decline occurred at a slower rate than the dis-appearance of industrial activities from the city. Consequently unemployment in the city grew. In Catalonia the total nurnber of working people in the period 1971-1994 feIl by 121,400, while the professional population increased by 397,000. The final result was that the nurnber of unemployed increased from 80,100 in 1976 to 454,000 in 1994 (Mancomunitat Municipis, no year). Figures per municipality and for de Area and the Regió, with respect to unemployment in 1986 and 1991 are to be found in appendix III. In contrast with many other European cities, Barcelona does not have the highest unem-ployment rate of the municipalities in the agglomeration. In the Area Metropolitana ex-cluding Barcelona the rate is even higher. Relatively speaking the most unemployed are found in the municipalities Sant Adrià de Besos, Badalona (both form part of Barce-lonés) and Barberà del Vallés, lying in the extreme north ofthe first ring (figure 4.2).
In addition the rates of many other municipalities are above the average of the first ring. Begues and el Papiol have relatively the least nurnbers of unemployed. From the growth indexes for 1986-1991 (1986= 1 00) it can be seen that unemployment rates declined in all the municipalities; in some municipalities this decline has even been substantial. With the lowest unemployment rate except one, in 1991 the municipality El Papiol had the greatest decline, with a growth index of 46. The decline of unemployment in the second ring was Ie ss marked. In the more urbanized area, the Area Metropolitana, the unemployment rate declined by about thirty per cent. From the table in appendix III it
Figure 4.2 Municipalities in the Area Metropolitana de Barcelona according to the percentage ofunemployed, 1991
l2J
6.1 to 12.1m
12.1 to 15.0lil
15.0 to 17.5 • 17.5 to 22.5Source: Area Metropolitana the Barcelona, Direcció the Serve is d'Ordenació Urbanlstica, Servei d'Estudis Territoriales.
can be seen that unemployment also declined in the city of Barcelona itself: the growth index is 68. The figures show that thè economic recovery, after the reces sion, in the whole region of Barcelona has continued. With this recovery the segregation of the un-employed between municipalities also declined. The segregation index in 1991 (7.9) was quite low.
4.3 Income
In general there is no indication in the case of Barcelona of a poor central city contrasted
with a rich hinterland. In 1991 Barcelona was one of the municipalities in the Area
Metropolitana with the highest average disposable incomes (table 4.2). Sant Just Des-vem and Sant Cugat the Valies have the highest average incomes. Twenty three
munici-pfllities of de Area score below the total average. The lowest incomes are found in Santa C<;>loma de Gramenet and Sant Adrià de Besos. These areas both border on the north east of Barcelona (Figure 4.2).
Insofar as they are available, table 4.2 also gives average disposable income per inhabi-tant per municipality for 1979 and 1985. Nominal values are used. Since no inflation correction has been applied, the increase appears to be enormous. Through relating the growth consistently to the average growth in the whole agglomeration, the inflation factor is eliminated.
Figure 4.3
8RCZ~INK
Municipalities in the Area Metropolitana de Barcelona according to average disposable income per inhabitant, 1991
•
1079903 to 1167523lil
1167523 to 1256665 i§ 1256665 to 1475361IT81
::..:<.: 1475361 to 1917489Source: Area Metropolitana the Barcelona, Direcci6 the Serveis d'Ordenaci6 Urbanistica, Serve i d'Estudis Territoriales.
![Profilaktyczna działalność adwokata : [recenzja artykułu A. Bojkowa opublikowanego w czasopiśmie "Sowietskaja justicya", 1967, nr 16]](data:image/gif;base64,R0lGODlhAQABAIAAAP///wAAACH5BAEAAAAALAAAAAABAAEAAAICRAEAOw==)