Scripta Classica : Vol. 11

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Scripta Classica

Vol. 11

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Scripta Classica

Vol. 11

Edited by

Tomasz Sapota and Anna Szczepaniak

Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Śląskiego • Katowice 2014

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Referees Jerzy Styka Marian Szarmach

Publication is available online at:

Central and Eastern European Online Library www.ceeol.com

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Introduction

The theme of this volume is “tradition” versus “reception” in classical stud‑

ies. It is a volume conceived out of the need to delineate the difference between those terms frequently and often interchangeably used. The authors attempted to capture the two ideas “in action,” as they emerge in history, as a way of imbuing the cultural models of diverse peoples with Greco ‑Roman style and inspiration.

The contributors to the present volume did not limit their research to practices and ambitions of elites, but, as in the case of Paweł Madejski in “Latin in the Contemporary Polish ‘Street Epigraphy’,” they literally chased pavements looking for evidence of Latin being absorbed and digested by the lowest cultural strata.

Madejski finds graffiti, tatoos, written signs on the streets, in which allusion to classical languages, often unintentionally distorted or travestied, forms the heart of a meaning. Lucyna Kostuch and Beata Wojciechowska present a different read‑

ing of the volume’s topic: “The Oath in the Ancient and Medieval Culture” is an outline of the history of the oath seen as a social institution from its ancient beginnings to medieval concepts and practices. Agnieszka Bartnik in “Textauf‑

nahme der antiken Autoren im mittelalterlichen Irland. Problemeinleitung” sheds light on how cultural filters work, and she effectively demonstrates that the output of that process are the texts that tend not to mirror the original, but appeal to the public communicating in their own language. Through the examples and notes on those examples she demonstrates the decisive role of language in community build‑

ing. The following four studies: “Laurentius Corvinus’ Carminum structura…” by Anna Szczepaniak, “Horatian Metrics in the Latin Odes of Jan Kochanowski…”

by Aleksandra Łambucka, “Genology Games with Tradition…” by Monika Szczot and “Lizystrata dla dekadenckiej epoki [Lysistrata for a Decadent Epoch]”

by Olga Śmiechowicz – raise the issue of how Polish writers modelled the language they used while incorporating into Polish literary culture ancient poetry

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in its various aspects. Texts on modern media, that is World Wide Web as an ob‑

ject of foremost and uppermost concern, close the volume. Konrad Dominas in

“Mechanisms of Ancient Literature Reception in Digital Media…” deals with the problem of how digital advertisment and search engines steer, direct and limit the broad public’s interest in themes linked with Greco ‑Roman world, while Patrycja Matusiak in “Hannibal Goes to Rome as an Example of How Antiquity is Received in New Media” covers the field of the Internet comics projects. Finally, Katarzyna Kołakowska in “Poetics by Aristotle versus Dogme 95…” veers towards a more traditional medium, that is film.

The authors did not deem important to verbalize theoretical answers to the question what qualities the presence of ancient motifs in other languages, cul‑

tures and epochs may be described with, so they did not form a precise opinion whether the ancient paradigms were taken in without reshaping their content and meaning or whether the recipients while re ‑reading the message re ‑modelled its meaning. In other words, which of the two patterns of cultural continuity seems more plausible: the tradition interpreted as a transition of the unchanged heritage into the new hands or a reception, which presupposes an impact of the audience on the legacy they are in charge of as co ‑authors. Nonetheless, after having finished reading all the articles, one is persuaded to presume that the latter, hermeneutical, option seems to better express intuitions of the writers. So the concept of ancient tradition as a socio ‑cultural institution can be accurately defined as a play with the past that is being intermittently re ‑modeled and enriched. To put it simply, a tradition is a reception.

Tomasz Sapota

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Paweł Madejski

Maria Curie-Skłodowska University, Lublin

Latin in the Contemporary Polish

“Street Epigraphy”*

Abstract: The contemporary graffiti ‑phenomenon has become a subject of intensive research. With‑

in this scope of interest Latin graffiti, more widely understood as “street epigraphy,” has not been focused on in particular. The present essay offers a preliminary study of such inscriptions (including graffiti, tattoos, labels, advertisements). They usually exploit recurrent quotations, often cited with grammatical errors. The inscriptions as such belong to a wider stock of popular culture.

Key words: Latin, epigraphy, street epigraphy, reception, tattoos, graffiti, labels

Introduction

T

he language of the ancient Romans is inseparably associated with the epi‑

graphic evidence. In Poland, from the Middle Ages up to the end of the 18th century, Latin epitaphs and other inscriptions outnumbered the ones incised in Polish language. However, over time Latin nearly completely disappeared from Polish epigraphy. This process is still waiting for a proper scientific treatment.

Classical Greek language always played a marginal role in Polish epigraphy (but one can find some interesting cases¹).

* The present contribution was written before a Facebook group Investigatores Inscriptionum (https://www.facebook.com/groups/investigatores.inscriptionum) has been founded. This is why I have not exploited the data collected by the group.

1 For example, T. Derda, A. Łajtar: “Epigrafik grecki na Powązkach: epitafium księcia Geor‑

giosa Muruzisa (1804–1931).” In: Timai: studia poświęcone profesorowi Włodzimierzowi Lengau‑

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Our times are not so familiar with Latin language, unless we take into consid‑

eration so ‑called łacina podwórkowa.² Nonetheless, from time to time we might be pleasantly surprised and meet bits of Cicero’s language. The present article is dedicated to such fragments.

To start with, I owe the readers a few words of explanation for using a rather unusual term “street epigraphy.” Epigraphic evidence covers a vivid variety of inscriptions, from Res gestae Divi Augusti through church epitaphs and graves to mere latrine writings. All definitions of epigraphy have their inaccuracies, es‑

pecially when one tries to resolve the fundamental problem: What is the subject of epigraphy as a historical discipline? Simple “inscriptions” does not explain anything. Polish language offers a very convenient division between inskrypcja (inscription) and napis (more or less: lettering). In my opinion, the true subject of epigraphy is napis – all written media not intended to be preserved in libraries and archives: inscriptions in their proper meaning (lettering incised, cut or cast in a hard material), texts embroidered, painted, printed, written with ink or with any other material on any stuff (carrier), even paper (leaflets, handbills, posters) can be called altogether epigraphs. In my view, an epigrapher is a scholar investigating into the realm of such epigraphs.³

So the present contribution deals with the epigraphs operating within the street – an artificial channel for translocation and communication. For centuries, streets are full of various epigraphs – graffiti, posters, signboards, banners, swing signs, and texts literally carried by people (on garments, tattoos, bags) and their vehicles. All of them are thought to make publicly known sentiments, beliefs, offers, views; to reach the widest possible audience. Some of the epigraphs car‑

ried by humans are not destined to be widely known (jewellery, some tattoos, medals, personal weapon, buttons) and I have discarded them. Another ignored category are street epigraphs created by an official body – in Poland Latin or Greek sentences embellish usually buildings of libraries, schools, courts, churches, departments.⁴ For obvious reasons I also excluded sepulchral inscriptions – they operate in a different sphere. I am interested in epigraphs made by common people, by producers of daily goods and services, that can be seen as manifesta‑

tions of the popular culture (but if an official or quasi ‑official body exploits this

erowi przez uczniów i młodszych kolegów z okazji Jego 60. urodzin. Ed. A. Wolicki. Warszawa 2009, pp. 48–56.

2 Literally ‘backyard Latin’ – in this phrase the word Latin is used in a similar meaning that the word French in English “pardon my French.” In both the cases obscene words are seemingly borrowed from a foreign language.

3 Piotr Kowalski labelled all short notes – from graffiti on walls to entries in memorial books – as “inscriptions,” so he based it on literal meaning of a word inscribo – ‘I write in’;

see P. Kowalski: Samotność i wspólnota: inskrypcje w przestrzeniach współczesnego życia. Opole 1993.

4 See for example: Regulae iuris: łacińskie inskrypcje na kolumnach Sądu Najwyższego Rze‑

czypospolitej Polskiej. Ed. W. Wołod kiewicz. Warszawa 2006.

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methods of spreading their information I incorporate the epigraphs produced by such bodies). The epigraphs analysed below are usually placed within the space of translocation: streets, backyards, inner corridors of public and private build‑

ings. I have collected the material mostly in Lublin (graffiti), some I found in other Polish cities; the Internet is a rich source of tattoos (especially a website www.naszetatuaze.pl) and garments.

The main problem connected with the material defined in such a way is that you meet it unexpectedly on your way home, while shopping, commuting, travel‑

ling. In many cases there are no chances to make a picture of it, and when you have this rare possibility the only camera you have at your disposal is a mobile phone.

Many of street epigraphs are ephemeral. Some graffiti I have dared to record but some I have just seen (both I labeled with vidi), and about some of them I have been informed.

In 2011 while visiting Belgrade I came across a familiar phrase: Festina lente, written on a front door of a house (Kosančičev Venac 17; vidi). This ancient cita‑

tion⁵ can serve as a motto for every tourist. Back in Poland I started to search for similar texts written on walls, then I broadened the scope of my investigation into T ‑shirts, tattoos, signboards, etc. The collection of such epigraphs is not rich, but still enables preliminary research.

From the very beginning of the written culture, graffiti is a pivotal branch of literary activity. Graffiti cover an extremely wide range of topics and aims, from confirming one’s presence to stating political ideas. Modern popular culture raised the status of graffiti very high, granting them even a label of “art.” Nevertheless for many of us a graffiti is rather an act of vandalism that disturbs the neatness of our streets and environment. For a historian it is a crucial evidence. From time to time, Polish graffiti offers a grain of Latin.

Graffiti

Let me start with a graffiti suitable for every beginning of scientific work:

QUO VADIS KOLEŚ? ‘Quo vadis buddy?’ (Fig. 1).

It is an example of an old tradition: joining of Polish words or syntax with Latin.⁶ A quoted phrase Quo vadis? has been already deeply rooted in Polish lan‑

guage and it is reasonable to regard it not as Latin but in fact Polish (although of an foreign genesis). What is worth stressing is a creative development of the meaning

5 Cf. Suet., Div. Aug. 25 Ihm.

6 Another examples of this phenomenon are fugas chrustas or charming Ad mortem us‑

randum.

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of the phrase. Streets of Polish cities usually offer less original Latin graffiti. These are mostly sentences. Per aspera ad astra venit⁷ (Lublin, Dolna 3 Maja street, Fig. 2; vidi) is still modified, but Pro publico bono (Tarnobrzeg, vidi – the graffiti already disappeared), Volenti non fit iniuria (Katowice, viaduct, Kochanowskiego street, Fig. 4; vidi), Faciant meliora potentes (Katowice, kind information given by Professor Sapota), Cui bono (Katowice, information given) are widely known phrases. It is almost impossible to determine who and why made them. But from time to time the author can be detected. In January 2013 someone “decorated”

a wall of the Maria Curie ‑Skłodowska University with a thrilling confession: Mors amica mea est (Lublin, M. Curie ‑Skłodowskiej Square, Fig. 5; vidi). The same hand wrote directly by the side of the above graffiti ANTIFA that suggests that the author has a leftist worldview. Both graffiti were cleaned up within two days after they appeared. Interesting cases I dared to record in 2010 in Lublin: someone directly above the entrance to the Lublin Plaza shopping centre sprayed ungram‑

matical but thought ‑provoking sentence: Ad mortem defecatum (Lublin, Obroń‑

ców Pokoju street, Fig. 3; vidi). Is it a concise summary of present ‑day overcon‑

sumptive culture? I have also got information about wall ‑graffiti Vide cul fide, but I have not verified it.

Fig. 1. Source: Graffiti: sztuka czy wandalizm. Toruń 1991, s.n.

Fig. 2. Phot. by P. Madejski Fig. 3. Phot. by P. Madejski

7 Cf. Sen., Her. furens 441: Non est ad astra mollis et terris via.

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Fig. 4. Phot. by P. Madejski

There exists a group of graffiti connected with a very particular social group – football fans. Numerous Polish sport clubs, and especially football associations, bear Latin or Latinized names (e.g. Legia, Cracovia, Silesia, Gedania, Jagiellonia, Resovia, Polonia, Amica, Krzczonovia, Sandecja). I do not attempt to connect this fact with a very common graffiti of Polish streets: Ave + a name of a club (e.g. Ave Silesia,⁸ Ave Motor, Ave Górnik etc. – Fig. 6).

What is more interesting, I have not recorded any case of Vae + a name of a club. Ave is usually joined with football clubs, but occasionally is also a companion of other “organizations,” for example AVE BMH⁹ (Lublin, Północna street; vidi). So, as in the quo vadis case, ave already can be regarded as a Polish phrase. The same is true for versus – this word is surely derived di‑

rectly not from Latin, but from English.¹⁰ Football fans include Latin or quasi‑

Latin words creating more puzzling sentences, obscure to the profanes – POM‑

PEJSZON AVE MOTOR (written with chalk, Lublin, Pl. M. Curie ‑Skłodowskiej;

8 This is also a name of Silesia Wrocław fan club, see: http://www.wielkislask.pl.

9 BMH – Bractwo Marihuany i Haszyszu/Brotherhood of Marihuana and Hashish.

10 English should be seen now as the most important and the most stimulating source of Latin loan ‑words in the present ‑day Polish language.

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vidi). The fans also like some translated quotations derived from the classi‑

cal Latin literature. The most popular are Caligula’s words Niech nienawidzą byle się bali¹¹ and Mnie wolno wszystko i w stosunku do wszystkich¹² (fig. 7).

Similar sentiments can be also presented using different media and without risking any penal responsibility: on T ‑shirts and generally garment, or as tattoos.

Fig. 6. Łęczna, Braci Wójcickich Street, Phot. by P. Madejski

Inside public buildings a discerning eye helps in noticing Latin among colour‑

ful mass of epigraphs. For example a student of history at the UMCS has written with a ball ‑pen on a wall the initial words of the famous Wladislaus Herman’s document for Bamberg cathedral: notum sit omnibus in Χρ(ist)ο fidelib(us) – the author even used a Carolingian minuscule document scripture (the new Humanities Faculty building, room 321; vidi). More creative are students of the Catholic University of Lublin. Someone, probably slightly frustrated, has written on an armchair offensive Canis tibi faciem lingebat (the main building, 2nd floor, by the Dean Office; vidi) or Carpe the fucking diem! (the main building, 3rd floor, room 370, Fig. 8; vidi).

11 Accius (Trag. Rom. frag., p. 187 Ribbeck) apud Cic., Phil. I 14, 34; Sest., 48, 102; off. I 28, 94;

Sen., ira I 20, 4; Suet., Cal. 30. Such graffiti I have noticed in Lublin at the Lipowa Street ‑Sądowa Street crossroads (the epigraph already disappered) and in Łęczna (Matki Boskiej Fatimskiej Street – unfinished, but still visible).

12 Graffiti: sztuka czy wandalizm. Toruń 1991, s.n.; cf. Suet., Cal. 29.

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Fig. 7. Source: Graffiti: sztuka czy wandalizm. Toruń 1991, s.n.

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Another student, this time from Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań, wrote above a wash ‑stand in WC Manus manum lavat – a very suitable sentence when we take the context into consideration. It is of course a humble collection of stu‑

dent graffiti, but I think students of history and classical philology can be seen as a prolific Latin graffiti ‑makers. Unfortunately their creative activity cannot survive a cleaner’s cloth or holidays renovations.

Tattoos

Tattooing had been originally associated in Poland with jail ‑culture and con‑

victs (not to mention Nazi concentration camps).¹³ The last two decades witnessed a triumphal advance of tattooing from the social margin into mainstream and open presentation. Now proud tattoo ‑owners show their adornments to the others with‑

out causing scandal in a public place. Usually such tattoos are placed on arms, necks, shoulders, legs, backs, cleavages, fingers. Limited space induces tattoo‑

lovers to prefer short sentences and phrases.

Probably the practice of using Latin phrases in tattoos has its roots in the jail culture. Latin offered a member of such subculture certain advantages – it is not

13 S. Prz ybyliński: Dziara, cynkówka, kolka: zjawisko tatuażu więziennego. Kraków 2007;

M. Snopek: Tatuaż: element współczesnej kultury. Toruń 2010.

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widely known, concise, and mysterious. It suits well someone who tries to stand apart. In a prison context a humanistic manifesto Homo sum gains a brand new meaning – it declares that its owner is a full member of the subculture (the man).¹⁴ Such sentences also deals with values especially highly rated among members of the prison or criminal subsociety: loyalty (Vide cul fide, Homo homini lupus), man‑

liness and immovability (Cave ne cadas, Niech nienawidzą byle się bali).¹⁵ Some signify specialization or a rank (Dux, Erit – a thief),¹⁶ another stress a demonic character of the owner (Saceros [sic!] Christi, tu scis me esse diabolum! Cur me derogabis? or its translation¹⁷), or their life philosophy (Memento mori, Alea iacta est in a erroneous form Alea asta este¹⁸). What is worth noting is a phenomenon of joining the knowledge of the correct meaning of the sentence with their erroneous writing (cf. above Vide cul fide, Saceros, Alea asta este). This clearly indicates that the meaning is more important than a correct written form.

Not only criminal subcultures use Latin tattoos. This phenomenon, as it was already stated, entered into popular culture. A brief survey of photos published on www.naszetatuaze.pl indicates that most of this website users made Latin tattoos influenced by the current fashion. Recurrence of worn out sentences or phrases, like Semper fidelis, Gloria victis, Carpe diem is the proof of the above conclu‑

sion. Men’s Latin tattoos usually are connected with loyalty, friendship, work and toil (Vivere militare est, Dum spiro spero, Consensus facit legem, Quod me non necaverit certe confirmabit, Alteri vivas oportet si vis tibi vivere, Fata viam in‑

venient, Amat victoria curam, Faber est suae quisque fortunae, Amicum proba probatum ama, and Vide cul fide or its variations as well), while women prefer proverbs and quotations on love or sentiments (Virgilian¹⁹ Amor omnia vincit, but more original Ovidian ut ameris amabilis esto,²⁰ Senecan Animus est qui divites facit, and sincere confession – Anima vilis). There are some unique texts as well:

Ovidian²¹ Nitimur in vetitum sempex [sic!] cupimusque negate, and a spe‑

cial tattoo ‑epitaph: Memini tui, pater, memento mei… / Ryszard / 24. 10. 1956

~ 10. 02. 2012. In the last case grammatical correctness is worth stressing. But, just as in the cases of the jail tattooing, the meaning is more important than the gram‑

matical or lexical correctness.

14 M. Snopek: Tatuaż…, p. 217.

15 Ibidem, pp. 218–220.

16 Ibidem, pp. 218, 275.

17 Ibidem, p. 270.

18 Ibidem, pp. 239, 241.

19 Ecl. X 69.

20 Ars amat. II 107–108.

21 Amores III 4, 17.

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Garments

Garment epigraphs usually echo aims and schemas of the discussed tat‑

too epigraphs. Football fans wear T ‑shirts or blouses with Vide cul fide (vidi),²² more liberally or even anarchistic oriented – with Custodia legis revolutio. There is also a group of so ‑called patriotic T ‑shirts with proper sentences – for exam‑

ples a firm Koszulki historyczne (Historical T ‑shirts),²³ owed by a historian Michał Janik, offers pieces with Memento mori, Credo in unum Deum, Fortuna variabi‑

lis, Deus mirabilis, Eques Polonus sum et magis estimans libertatem quam vi‑

tae. I was informed by Mr. Janik that these T ‑shirts were not too popular. It is understandable – the sentences their carry are too original, unparalleled and un‑

typical.

Endo offers garments for children and adorns them with humorous pictures with Latin ‑Polish subscriptions, for example Carpe diem! Używaj życia! Chwytaj dzień! Unikaj tycia!, druga Festina lente to słowa święte lub jako kto woli śpiesz się powoli oraz Tempus fugit… Czas ucieka… I przez palce mi przecieka… Ale często myślę sobie, że coś kiedyś jeszcze zrobię… .²⁴

Of course cloth epigraphs can inform about beliefs and preferences. For ex‑

ample a blouse with DEUS HONOS LABOR (sometimes together with a suit‑

able picture; vidi) is a clear statement of one’s life philosophy. More religious persons put on their robes prayers or exorcisms – CRUX SACRA SIT MIHI LUX NON DRACO SIT MIHI DUX Vade retro Satana, numquam suade mihi vana.

Sunt mala quae libas, ipse venena bibas (Fig. 9; vidi).²⁵ Prayers are also popular among gothic rock lovers (like the one against the Normans A furore normano‑

rum libera nos domine summa pia gratia nostra conservando corpora ett [sic!]

custodia de gente fera normannica nos libera quae nostra vastat deus regna;

vidi).

22 Numerous firms sell garments with this lettering.

23 Source: http://koszulki ‑historyczne.spreadshirt.pl/ (accessed 14.2.2013).

24 The author of the texts is Małgorzata Strzałkowska, http://endo.pl/kategoria/60 ‑swiaty ‑endo/

linia/213 ‑dinozaury.html (accessed 14.2.2013).

25 It is a quotation from a very popular Catholic sacramental medal – so ‑called the Saint Benedict medal.

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Trade and services

Numerous Polish firms carry Latin or quasi ‑Latin names. This is especially common among undertakers and other funeral enterprises (e.g. Resurrexit, Ex‑

odus, Animus, Ubi sunt, Sepultura, Coelum, Auxilium, Pro morte, Sacrum, Pro memoria, Concordia, Credo, Requiem, Memento mori, Angelus, Memento),²⁶ but proper names are much more popular (Charon, Hades, Eden, Elisium, Atena, Aaron, Abel).²⁷ Security firms like Latin or Latinized names as well (Civis, Juventus, Expertus, Securitas, Amicus, Compertus). It is also a wide‑

spread practice in medical and legal services, from time to time even an ordi‑

nary workshop can bear a noble Latin name (Caliga – a shoemaker in Poznań;

Exodus – a building materials store in Zwoleń or an abattoir in Trzciana). Such

26 See: http://www.firmypogrzebowe.info/ (accessed 9.9.2013).

27 Ibidem.

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nomenclature is important because it is usually repeated on sign ‑boards within streets.

Some firms make a more sophisticated use of Latin. Fortuna Brewery from Miłosławiec uses a Virgilian²⁸ sentence Audaces fortuna iuvat as its official motto, placed on labels, beer glasses, caps. Also Piotrków Trybunalski brewery Sulimar enriched its labels with a motto: Ubi concordia ibi victoria (vidi). Quite different attitude towards Latin showed a clothing firm Reporter that put on its carrier bags

“press clips” in Latin, but they were just an odd collection of unrelated Latin words. Latin and the classical connotation exploited also a mobile phone operator Polkomtel S.A. during the “Simplus Maximus” campaign.²⁹ Latin name Alter ego bears also one club in Szczecin, and this phrase sprayed on walls serves as an advertisement of the club (Szczecin 2013, vidi).

Sticker art

Although stickers (Polish wlepki or vlepki) are not normally linked to the epi‑

graphy as a science, they have much in common with epigraphs. It is a form of communication and its message is publicly displayed usually by individuals or informal groups, not authorities. Of course it does not exclude a situation when a political group or even a party uses sticker to propagate their programmes and ideas. Some of such groups from time to time exploit Latin. For example Młodzież Wszechpolska (All ‑Polish Youth) takes the advantage of stickers with its sign and Imperium Polonicum legend, Narodowa Rewolucja Fans put Amor patriae nostra lex on their stickers and logos.

Greek

Classical or modern Greek languages are almost absent from the evidence.

I have recorded just one case – in Katowice. Probably the same hand which ex‑

ecuted above‑mentioned graffiti Volenti non fit iniuria also sprayed another one on the same wall ξo τo ιεστ (that is υοτ ισ δις; Fig. 10, vidi) and a big quotation mark with οχ. It is of course a joke, but still its author showed a certain knowledge of Greek.

28 Cf. Aen. X 284.

29 Source: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6GIYuLvxCSg (accessed 9.9.2013).

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Conclusions

Contemporary Polish “street epigraphy” exploits numerous forms of expres‑

sion and Latin appears on every field, even though it covers a marginal part of the phenomenon as a whole. Some conclusions can be drawn even based on the humble collection of sources described above. First the most popular expression of Latin are sentences – well known, safe, and concise. Nobody needs to know Latin to understand them. The case of Vide cul fide clearly shows that this knowledge is not even expected (but this mistaken form can be labelled as a mind virus – it is already present in songs³⁰).

More interesting is the sociological perspective. Latin almost disappeared from primary schools, and it is practically non present at higher levels of educa‑

tion, so it is clear that not many of contemporary Poles are able to read and under‑

30 See M&L Crew song: http://www.tekstowo.pl/piosenka,ml_crew,vide_cul_fide.html; http://

pobierajmp3.pl/mp3/2204404/mampl ‑crew ‑vide ‑cul ‑fide (accessed 19.2.2013).

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stand the language. But there exist groups that clearly prefer some Latin elements in their activity. First, football fans: they use sentences stressing loyalty, manli‑

ness, patriotism, and violence. Sometimes they try to do something more – for example a KS Cracovia fan proposed to use a sentence Hic sunt Cracoviae cordis [sic!] as a legend joined to the club logo.³¹ Similar words or quotations appeared in jail tattoos. Also nationalist organizations use Latin phrases, not alien to their left‑

ist or anarchist³² opponents either. Creative manifestation of Latin are rather rare.

There are also visible preferences resulting from sex (women are more inclined toward emotional subjects).

So why Latin is used in such social contexts? I can propose one explanation.

It is obvious that the inner essence of the cited sentences expresses values and virtues especially appreciated within a given group; values that positively influ‑

ence cooperation within the group and its cohesion. These aims are additionally consolidated by a mysterious, exclusive character of the language itself. Both these factors should unite members of a group. Latin serves as a kind of a token of recognition. Unfortunately, it does not presume that any knowledge or learning of the language is expected. The phenomenon indicated in the present contribution still needs research, and, what is more important, constant observation and record‑

ing.

31 Source: http://www.cracovia.krakow.pl/read.php?13,1652415,page=10 (accessed 9.9.2013).

32 During elections anarchists eagerly use a quotation from Gospel: Wiatr wieje tam gdzie chce (John 3, 7). I have recoded such graffiti on the UMCS walls.

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Lucyna Kostuch, Beata Wojciechowska

Jan Kochanowski University in Kielce Institute of History

The Oath in the Ancient and Medieval Culture An Outline of the Problem

Abstract: Since the ancient period the oath was a kind of religious act, a declaration of fixed content depending on the circumstances, intended to be delivered in public. It was a part of the agreements between states, tributes, strengthening treaties, meeting obligations, fulfilling obligations and prom‑

ises. It was a means of evidence and a form of purification in court. It was sworn it public, according to a specific ritual and completed with set activities and while recalling the names of gods or God as witnesses. One of the ancient elements which survived the fall of the pagan world and was recorded in the medieval oath was undoubtedly the formula of the promise, which was divided into: a solemn declaration, a reference to a deity and a self ‑curse. The ancient and medieval perjurer was threat‑

ened with severe punishment – such a person could not find peace even after death. In both periods keeping oaths was the measure of one’s piety. The solemn commitment belonged to the realm of the sacred, as it was a part of a religious ritual. The basic gestures which accompanied the promise were of ancient origins – a hand raised to the sky and touching sacred objects.

Keywords: oath, antiquity, the Middle Ages

T

he oath (a solemn promise, commitment) is undoubtedly a part of the an‑

cient tradition. Although the “homeland” of the oath was the ancient Near East, we know about it mainly from the Greek and Latin literature – the characters from the works of Homer, Euripides and Virgil. The Oath of Hippocrates, Oath of Horatii and Oath of Hannibal became a permanent part of the collection of European themes. The aim of this paper is to compare the ancient oath with its Christian “successor” which gained its full shape in the Middle Ages, and to an‑

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swer the question of which elements of the oath survived the collapse of the an‑

cient world.

Indeed the Greeks and Romans were not the first ones who uttered the words of the oath (horkos, iusiurandum) in the ancient world. The researchers believe that the most ancient Greeks borrowed the model oath from the Near East peoples, and its acquisition is proved in the oldest Greek literary work – the Iliad of Homer.¹ The sources from the ancient Near East reveal the model formula of the oath which contained the three elements later known in Greece and Rome: the statement, the list of the divine forces acting as witnesses and guarantors, and finally, the self ‑curse.

In the act of a solemn commitment the peoples of Mesopotamia, Anatolia, Syria and Egypt generally referred to witnesses such as the divine cosmic ele‑

ments: the Sun, the Sky, the Earth, as well as the sea and rivers. Of these, the Sun which “could see everything” played the most prominent role. A well ‑known example of the use of the above elements is the text of the peace treaty signed be‑

tween the pharaoh of Egypt and the king of the Hittites after the Battle of Kadesh (1259 BC). The witnesses of the oath, and at the same time executors of the pun‑

ishment for the perjurer, were a thousand Egyptian and a thousand Hittite gods and apart from them: Mountains, Heaven, Earth, the Great Sea, Winds and Storm Clouds.² The Israelites, though they only swore to Yahweh, that is “the name of God” and “the life of the Lord,” who also appeared as a witness and the judge,³ could strengthen the credibility by referring to Heaven and Earth as the witnesses to the purity of conscience and good intentions.⁴ The oath was also a profession of faith in God.⁵ Similarly, the Near East gods swore to each other, and God of Israel swore to himself.⁶

Also the gestures which accompanied the oath originated in the Near East: the raising of a hand or hands to the sky, touching the recipient of the oath and dif‑

ferent objects. The most common iconographic example of a gesture is the relief on the stela with the Laws of Hammurabi, which shows the king with his right hand raised in front of the Sun god – Shamash, and a literary piece of evidence – Abraham swearing and raising his hand to God in the Book of Genesis.⁷ In the act

1 P. Karavites: Promise ‑Giving and Treaty ‑Making. Homer and the Near East. Leiden 1992;

L.M. West: The East Face of Helicon: West Asiatic Elements in Greek Poetry and Myth. Ox‑

ford 1997, pp. 19–20; W. Bu rker t: Creation of the Sacred. Tracks of Biology in Early Religions.

Cambridge, Mass. 2001, pp. 171–172; J. Fletcher: Performing Oaths in Classical Greek Drama.

Cambridge 2012, p. 3.

2 Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament. Ed. J.B. Pr itchard. Princeton 1955 (hereinafter referred to as ANET), pp. 199–201.

3 Deut 6, 13; 1 Sam 19, 6; Jer 4, 2; Gen 31, 50 and 53.

4 Jdt 7, 28; 1 Macc 2, 37.

5 Is 48, 1; Jer 12, 16.

6 Gen 22, 16; Ex 32, 13.

7 Gen 14, 22; see: Deut 32, 40; Ps 106; Dan 12, 7.

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of commitment one used to touch his or the recipient’s intimate areas and hold the written text of the oath and pieces of armor in the hand.

A solemn assurance that what one was saying was veracious, a promise (commitment) to do or desist something, appeared widely in the Near East codi‑

fications, beginning with the Sumerians. In the evaluation of evidence they used the oath, witnesses’ statements and written testimonies.⁸ A witness who testi‑

fied untruthfully under oath was subject to penalty. In the Book of Numbers and Deuteronomy there were also regulations about the number of witnesses to the promise.⁹

In the Middle East we also find the custom of slitting the throat of the sacri‑

ficed animal and dismembering its body, which was an allusion to what awaits the perjurer. For this reason, the person taking an oath used to touch their throat.¹⁰ While imposing the self ‑curse, which could focus on the family, clan, distant de‑

scendants, and even the whole country, the eyes of wax figures were plucked out, such figures were thrown into the fire, and bows and arrows were broken.

The formal similarities between the Near East and ancient oath (Greek and Roman), or more broadly – the eastern and western oath,¹¹ prove the existence of a pattern for the ancient oath as such. There is no evidence that the oath had evolved from the terrifying and spectacular (“savage,” “primitive”) to the sus‑

tainable (“civilized”). It was rather a permanent spectrum which, depending on the circumstances, used more or less powerful phrases and gestures. Sometimes a brief “I swear” was uttered, but other times there were even references to black magic.¹²

Of course, the Greeks and Romans were aware of the similarities between their own swearing tradition and the customs of other peoples. The differences were mainly related to the gestures which were often more explicit and blunt in the world of barbarians (barbaroi). From the works of Herodotus we learn about drinking blood from each other’s incised arms or other body parts, cutting the hand to rub stones with blood, drinking from the hand, licking the dust raised from the ground and touching the graves.¹³ The Father of History did not think, however, that the Greeks were superior to other nations in making promises and their observance. Herodotus writes about the Persian trick which involved digging a trench in the ground on which the oath was to be taken , but on another occasion

8 See C. Kunderewicz: Najstarsze prawa świata. Zbiór studiów. Łódź 1990, p. 15.

9 Num 35, 30; Deut 17, 6; 19, 15–20.

10 N. W e e k s: Admonition and Curse: The Ancient Near Eastern Treaty/Covenant Form as a Problem in Inter ‑Cultural Relationship. London 2004, p. 24.

11 Among others: J. Beder man: International Law in Antiquity. Cambridge 2001, p. 67;

M.L. West: The East Face of Helicon…, pp. 19–23.

12 J. Fletcher: Performing Oaths…, p. 10; C.A. Faraone: “Curses and Social Control in the Law Courts of Classical Athens.” Dike 1999, vol. 2, pp. 99–121.

13 Hdt. 1, 74; 3, 7–8; 4, 70; 4, 172.

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implies that the Greeks met on the markets in order to cheat each other and make false promises.¹⁴ Several centuries later, when describing the first alliance made by the Romans, Titus Livy stated that the oath had a permanent formula. Quoted by the Roman historian, the solemn oath of Hannibal, who at the age of nine had pledged to forever remain the enemy of Rome, had no signs of “barbaric” prac‑

tice, similarly to the oath of the Quadi described in the 4th century by Ammian Marcelinus.¹⁵

Both the Greeks and Romans commonly made solemn promises as evidenced by the source statistics: the Iliad and the Odyssey characters swear twenty ‑six times, in the Histories by Herodotus there are about forty oaths, in the Peloponne‑

sian War – fifty, and counting every time an oath is mentioned – two hundred and sixty ‑nine.¹⁶ Every Greek city ‑state had its own traditional (nomimos) oath and its own theoi horkioi.¹⁷ Inside the polis each distinct group of citizens was bound with an oath: tribes, phratries, city councils, courts judges, epheboi, the participants of mysteries, agonists, religious fraternities, etc. It was no different in Rome, where the sacred obligations were taken by, among others: consuls and low ‑rank officials, soldiers, gladiators and liberated slaves. Among those who swore in the Greek and Roman courts were the prosecutor, the defendant and witnesses. Although the Greek sources show that in 478 BC as many as one hundred and fifty countries took an oath to form the Delian League, the Romans certainly outdid the Greeks in the number of people making a commitment. The Res Gestae reads that, in addi‑

tion to the entire Italy (tota Italia), Gaul, Spain, Africa, Sicily and Sardinia pledged allegiance to Octavian in his fight against Cleopatra.¹⁸ In the vast Roman Empire, probably since the time of Julius Caesar, oaths were taken on the genius of Caesar and later on his health.

The ancient oath was sacred and cosmic in its character because its formula produced an effect in the divine and human world in parallel. It was vital that the gods and the people swore in the same way and under similar circumstances.

Although various deities in any number, even including “all gods,” could be in‑

voked to witness a solemn commitment, the oath remained permanently under the care of the divine father Zeus (Zeus Horkios) and in Rome – Jupiter. As Homer assured, Zeus “sees everything.”¹⁹ According to the sources people frequently

14 Hdt. 4, 201; 1, 153.

15 Liv. 1, 24: this oath includes all the typical elements of the Roman oath. F. Hickson ‑Hah n:

“Performing the Sacred: Prayers and Hymns.” In: A Companion to Roman Religion. Ed. J. Rüpke.

Oxford 2007, pp. 241–242; oath of Hannibal: Liv. 21, 1; Quadi: Amm. Marc. 17, 12, 21.

16 C. Callaway: “Perjury and the Unsworn Oath.” TAPA 1993, vol. 123, pp. 15–25; D. Latein‑

er: “Oaths: Theory and Practice in the Histories of Herodotus and Thucydides.” In: Thucydides and Herodotus. Eds. E. Foster, D. Lateiner. Oxford 2012, pp. 158, 171.

17 Thuc. 5, 47; A.H. Som merstein, A.J. Bayliss: Oath and State in Ancient Greece…, p. 164.

18 Res Gestae 25, 2.

19 Hom., Il. 3, 277.

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turned to Helios (Sun), Gaia (Earth), but also rivers, especially the Styx which the gods used to swear on. When the Macedonian king Philip II in 337 BC received an oath from the representatives of the Greek states, they swore to: Zeus, Earth, Sun, Poseidon, Athena, Ares and all the gods and goddesses.²⁰ Virgil, following the example of the Iliad, included Earth and Sun in the oath taken by Aeneas.²¹ The most solemn oaths were sworn on the head of the supreme god. That is how Hera, Hermes and Hestia made their commitments.²²

Of course, depending on the circumstances, one could invoke various divine

“experts,” the spirits of the ancestors or the local gifts of nature. When talk‑

ing about courage and his homeland, the hero of Euripides swears to Zeus “be‑

tween the stars and bloody Ares.”²³ Similarly, Aeneas calls Mars when grabbing his sword.²⁴ Demosthenes swore on the shadows of the Athenians’ ancestors, the warriors who fought at Marathon, Artemision, Salamis, Plataea and all the heroes buried in public graves.²⁵ Often the local gods and heroes were invoked – in the Plataean area deities of the Plataean pantheon appeared as witnesses.²⁶ The oath of the Athenian ephebes who were to defend their homeland, includes (Attican) crops, barley, vines, olive and fig trees.²⁷ The choice of the gods was based on the local tradition, for instance, the Corinthians swore to Poseidon, while the Lacedae‑

monians preferred Castor and Pollux.²⁸

In everyday trivial situations one could swear on anything. Pythagoras swore on the numbers, and Socrates – on “the dog” (ma ton kuna), or on “the dog, the god of the Egyptians.”²⁹ Aristophanes presents the Athenian philosopher who calls the Breath, the Chaos and the Expanse.³⁰

Also the sex of the person making a promise played a role. In general, though not mandatory, women referred to: Artemis, Aphrodite, Demeter, Persephone, Hera and Hecate, and men preferred Hercules and Apollo. Similarly, in Rome women swore to Venus, Juno, and also Castor, and men – Hercules (Mehercule!), Penates, Genius and Pollux (though never Castor).³¹ It was believed

20 IG II 2, 236; P.J. R hodes, R. Osbor ne: Greek Historical Inscriptions 404–323 BC. Oxford 2003, no. 76.

21 Verg., Aen. 12, 176–181; F. Hickson ‑Hah n: “The Oath of Aeneas: Vergil, Aeneid 12, 176–94.”

In: Prayer from Alexander to Constantine. Ed. M. K iley, London–New York 1997, pp. 144–148.

22 Hom., Il. 15, 39; Hom. Hym. 4, 274; Hom. Hym. 5, 26–27; see I. Tor rance: “On Your Head Be It Sworn: Oath and Virtue in Euripides’ Helen.” CQ 2009, vol. 59, pp. 1–7.

23 Eur., Phoen. 1006.

24 Verg., Aen. 12, 175.

25 Dem., De cor. 208.

26 Thuc. 2, 74.

27 P.J. R hodes, R. Osbor ne: Greek Historical Inscriptions…, no. 88.

28 See: W. Smith: A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. Boston 1859, p. 660.

29 On the numbers: Luc., Vit. auct. 4; on the dog e.g.: Plat., Resp. 592 a; Plat., Grg. 482 b.

30 Aristoph., Nu. 627.

31 Terent., Andr. 495, 505; Hor., Ep. 1, 7, 94; Aul. Gel. 11, 6.

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that women were inherently more perfidious. Sophocles believed that a woman’s oath “is written on the water.”³² It is known that the ancient warriors used to compare the defeated enemy to women, therefore it is possible that the soldier’s oath, similarly to a Hittite oath, was threatened with turning the perjurer into a woman.³³

The ancient oath was combined with specific gestures. The Greek gods touched the head of Zeus or elements of nature and simultaneously evoke them as witnesses. Hestia, when promising to keep virginity, touched the head of the supreme god. Hera put one hand on the Earth, the other – on the Sea.³⁴ Only the gods could do so. The Greeks and Romans used to put a hand on the statue of the god to whom they swore or touch the bloody ceremonial sacrifice with a hand or a weapon, and even kept animal entrails (splanchna) in the hands. Tradition‑

ally, as in a prayer, hands were raised to the sky.³⁵ To imitate the gods, parts of the body of the recipient of the oath were touched (head, knees or other). Of‑

ten a hand of that person was shook (Gr. dexiosis, Lat. Dextrarum iunctio).³⁶ Ad‑

ditionally, people swore on items such as mace, sword, and spear, which were probably ritually touched.³⁷ In Rome, the soldiers swore (sacramentum) on the military signs, the signa.³⁸ In the oath to Jupiter, nicknamed Lapis (Stone), the words of the promise were spoken with a stone in a hand, which was later dropped.³⁹

Of course, depending on whether it was a spell in an ordinary conversation, a private vow or a public oath, and whether the content was related to a murder or state affairs, its formula was expanded, especially the last part – the self ‑curse.

Perjury (epiorkia, periurium) was punished by the gods with equal severity in the divine and human world, hence in reality the penalty reached only those who made a false statement in court (pseudomartyrion, falsum testimonium). In the Hellenistic period breaking the oath sworn to the King (basilikos horkos) and in Rome to Caesar (laesa maiestas) was also prosecuted. The rest was left to the gods (Deorum iniuriae dis curae). Therefore, there was no exaggeration when Cicero insisted that many alliances last due to the religious ceremonies which accompany them, and the fear of god’s punishment was the best protection against crime.⁴⁰ Keeping promises was the key measure of human devotion in the ancient period.⁴¹

32 Soph. Fr. 811 Radt.

33 KBo 6, 34; 2, 46–3,1.

34 Hom. Hym. 5, 27; Hom., Il. 14, 271–273.

35 IG I 3, 254, 10–24; Aesch., Sept. 42–48; Soph., Trach. 1183; Verg., Aen. 12, 201; Liv. 21, 1;

21, 45; Hdt. 6, 68; Hom., Il. 3, 275.

36 Aristoph., Nu. 81; Eur., Med. 496–497.

37 Hom., Il. 1, 233–246; Aesch., Sept. 529–532; Eur., Phoen. 1677; Verg., Aen. 12, 175.

38 Dion. Hal., Ant. Rom. 6, 45; Liv. 26, 48, 12.

39 Polyb. 3, 26; Fest., s.v. Lapidem.

40 Cic., Leg. 2, 16.

41 J. Mikalson: Honor Thy Gods: Popular Religion in Greek Tragedy. Chapel Hill 1991, p. 80.

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The person who took the oath remained sanctified (sacrosanctus) and breaking the promise was an act of impiety (impietas).

The least severe self ‑curse was the one in which the punishment could reach only the person who swore. The “criminal” was frequently threatened with exile, with the proviso that even after his death neither the land nor the sea could accept him back.⁴² In the Iliad the violator’s brain might flow to the ground, and his fam‑

ily might be captured.⁴³ In Hades, the place for perjurers was mud.⁴⁴ A perjurer god was deprived of breath for a year and forbidden to eat ambrosia and nectar. Over the next nine years had to remain on the sidelines, with no right to participate in the divine meetings and feasts.⁴⁵

A more cruel formula implied “eternal” punishment which could reach even the distant descendants and the whole family.⁴⁶ There was no hesitation to swear on the well ‑being of children. It is evidenced in the oath of allegiance given by the inhabitants of Paphlagonia to Augustus – they swore on their children, the entire family and the descendants with their belongings.⁴⁷ Perhaps in the Greco‑

Roman world the habit of touching intimate areas while taking an oath appeared locally, which strengthened the curse cast on the offspring. According to J.R. Katz, Iguvine tablets provide the evidence. The formula of the Umbrian promise con‑

tains information about holding urfeta in a hand, which the researcher translates as “testicles.”⁴⁸ Most probably the ritual of cutting off the genital of a sacrificial animal had similar meaning.⁴⁹

Not all of the elements listed above always occurred in the swearing cere‑

mony. Undoubtedly, a bloody sacrifice – the act of slaughtering an animal throat – was only mandatory for public ceremonies and of the utmost importance, such as signing international treaties and games (agon). The ritual of killing an animal is present in the Iliad, where the Achaeans and Trojans sacrifice a white ram and a black sheep.⁵⁰ In The Seven Against Thebes a bull is killed and its blood, on which the warriors take an oath, is put into the shield. In the Anbabasis the killed animals on the shield are: an ox, a wolf, a wild boar and a sheep.⁵¹ The bodies of such animals were buried or thrown into the sea or river.⁵² The Molossians from the Epirus region used to quarter an ox into small pieces and pray that the perjurers

42 Eur., Hipp. 1028–1029.

43 Hom., Il. 3, 298–301.

44 Aristoph., Ran. 273.

45 Hes., Th. 775–806.

46 Hdt. 6, 86; Antiph. 5, 11; Dem. 23, 67–68.

47 OGIS II 532.

48 II b 23; J.R. Katz: “Testimonia ritus Italici: Male Genitalia, Solemn Declarations, and a New Sound Law.” HSCP 1998, vol. 98, pp. 183–217.

49 W. Bu rker t: Creation of the Sacred…, p. 174.

50 Hom., Il. 3, 73–107, 292.

51 Aesch., Sept. 42–48; Xen. An. 2, 2, 10.

52 Hom., Il. 3, 310; 19, 267.

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would be dismembered in the same way.⁵³ Although Pausanias, while admiring the statue of Zeus Horkios at Olympia where players used to swear, forgets to ask the locals what they did with the killed boar, he assures that aforetime the animal was not intended for human consumption.⁵⁴ In Rome a hog was killed with a piece of flint and Jupiter was asked to strike at the perjurer with equal power.⁵⁵

In the case of an oath of state importance there were often additional elements, sometimes unique. If a decision concerned the whole country lumps of iron were thrown into the sea, and the covenant was to apply until they floated to the surface.

The Phokaians did so when they decided to move to another area and never return to their homeland.⁵⁶ The same was done when the Delian League was established.

In the ancient period, a unique element of the oath, however of eastern origin, was the act of throwing wax figures into the fire by the colonists who sailed from Thera to establish Cyrene.⁵⁷

The ancient documents lead to a conclusion that oaths were sometimes manip‑

ulated. Even the gods were insincere. In the Homeric Hymn Hermes took a false oath.⁵⁸ From the example given by Thucydides it can be concluded that interna‑

tional agreements could contain a clause which stated that the oath would be kept if it is allowed by the gods and heroes.

As early as in the Greek period prohibition of swearing appeared occasionally.

Apparently Pythagoras forbade his followers to swear to the gods, as he claimed that a man himself must be credible.⁵⁹

The Greeks and Romans, those who “cheated each other among oaths,” were condemned by Christians, who recognized the abuse of solemn vows for the sin of idolatry. In the Gospel of Matthew swearing on heaven, earth, Jerusalem, and one’s own head are prohibited.⁶⁰ Tertullian believed that because of the manda‑

tory oaths Christians should not serve public offices, and even the colloquial “by Hercules!” (Mehercule!) was found by him as a sign of idolatry.⁶¹ St. Augustine believed that the tendency to perjury was a sign of the degeneration of the pagan customs.⁶²

From the moral point of view, perjury has always been regarded by Christians as a grave sin.⁶³ The Bible considers perjury as a desecration of the God’s name

53 Suda s.v. Bous; Zen. 2, 83.

54 Paus. 5, 24, 9–10.

55 Liv. 1, 24.

56 Hdt. 1, 165.

57 SEG 9, 3.

58 Hom. Hym. 4, 275–277.

59 Diog. Laert. 8, 22; Iamb., Vit. Pyth. 47.

60 Matt. 5, 34–36.

61 Tert., De idol. 17, 20.

62 Aug., De civ. 3, 2.

63 Corpus Iuris Canonici. Ed. A. Fr iedberg. Graz 1959; CIC, vol. 2: Decretales Gregorii IX:

X. 2. 1. 13., pp. 242–244; CIC, vol. 1: Decretum Gratiani: C. 22. q. 5. 5., p. 883: Ille qui hominem

Scripta Classica : Vol. 11

Scripta Classica

Vol. 11

Scripta Classica

Vol. 11

Contents

Introduction

Latin in the Contemporary Polish

“Street Epigraphy”*

T

The Oath in the Ancient and Medieval Culture An Outline of the Problem

T