The Polish Media System: 1989-2011

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The Polish M edia System

1989-2011

Edited by

Katarzyna Pokorna-lgnatowicz

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Editorial Council o f th e Andrzej Frycz M odrzewski Krakow University:

Klemens Budzowski, Maria Kapiszewska, Zbigniew Maciąg, Jacek M. M ajchrowski

Reviewer:

prof. d r hab. Ignacy S. Fiut

M anaging Editor: Halina Baszak-Jaroń Cover design: Oleg Aleksejczuk Cover photo: Oleg Aleksejczuk Proofreading:

Anna Spysz, Piotr Krasnowolski

ISBN 978-83-7571-217-9

C opyriqht© by Andrzej Frycz M odrzewski Krakow University Krakow 2012

Commissioned by:

Andrzej Frycz M odrzewski Krakow University w w w .ka.edu.pl

Publisher:

Krakow Society fo r Education: AFM Publishing House (Krakowskie Towarzystwo Edukacyjne sp. z o.o. -O fic y n a W ydawnicza AFM; e mail: biuro@ kte.pl Kraków 2012

All Rights Reserved. No pa rt o f this publication o r its entirety may be reproduced, transm itte d or stored in any m anner th a t allow s repeated use in any fo rm by any means, electronic, mechanical, copying, recording o r o th e r w ith o u t the express w ritte n permission o f c o p yrigh t owners.

DTP: Joanna Sroka

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Introduction

F or over tw o decades, th e m e d ia in P oland have o p erated according to rules typical for d em o c ratic m e d ia system s. P oland has legal guarantees for m e d ia freedom , a w atch d o g in stitu tio n m o n ito rin g dem o cratic o rd e r oil th e air, nam ely the N ational B roadcasting C ou n cil (Polish acronym : KRRiT), an d finally th ere is th e d ynam ically developing an d changing m a rk e t o f the m ed ia w ith a w ealth o f new spapers an d m agazines, radio and television b roadcasting stations, an d online portals. A n ew g en e ratio n o f m e d ia creators a n d con su m ers is developing in P oland w h o d o n o t re m e m b e r the p e rio d o f system ic tran sfo rm atio n , o f key im p o rta n c e to th e h is to ry o f Poland, th e en su in g redevelopm ent o f the m ed ia system , fears and dilem m as accom panying the process, an d problem s th a t jo u rn alists and m e d ia ow ners faced n early from day to day learn in g to o p erate in th e new political an d m a rk e t reality. It is w ith th e m in m in d th a t th is publica tio n originated. The objective is to bring back th e m e m o ry o f the changes th a t to o k place in th e Polish m e d ia system in th e last tw o decades, an d to evaluate th e ir im p act - already th ro u g h th e lens o f tim e. U n d e rtak in g th e difficult a tte m p t at assessing this extrem ely interesting p e rio d is th e in te n tio n o f the au th o rs of the individual chapters. W e w a n t to show th e evolution th a t individual m ed ia and w hole sectors of the m ed ia m ark e t have gone th ro u g h , an d the n ew p h e n o m e n a th at em erged parallel to th e m an d significantly influenced th e stru c tu re an d n a tu re o f th e co n te m p o ra ry Polish m ed ia system , at th e sam e tim e paying a tten tio n to th e specific el em ents o f the system th a t h ard ly ever b ecom e the subject o f m ed ia expert publications.

The publicatio n consists o f 12 articles. It o p en s w ith a n essay by K atarzy-

11a P okorna-Ignatow icz devoted to th e w o rk o f m ed ia experts d u rin g th e R o u n d Table talks in th e spring of 1989, w hose result was w o rk in g out a co n c ep t of “th e new in fo rm a tio n o rd e r”, i.e. a draft of changes re q u ired to bu ild a d em o c ratic m ed ia system in Poland. H er text provides ail in tro d u c tio n to fu rth e r chapters, w hose au th o rs review and recapitulate th e tw o decades o f m ak in g th a t system reality. Z bigniew Bajka devoted his

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8 Introduction

text to Polish journalists. H e presents th e results o f th e latest an d earlier research o f public o p in io n s a b o u t jo u rn alists a n d th e o p in io n s o f th e jo u r nalists them selves a b o u t th e ir w ork. H e also p o in ts to th e m o st significant problem s o f Polish jo u rn alists, inclu d in g ones resulting from th e lack o f m o d e rn legal regulations a n d low activity o f th e en v iro n m en t. A n analysis o f th e processes an d events th a t proved o f key im p o rta n c e to th e c u rre n t Polish m ed ia system is co m p lem e n te d by D ariusz B aran, w hose article is devoted to th e dev elo p m en t o f th e In te rn e t in Poland. Its a u th o r investi gates th e beginnings, successive stages o f developm ent, an d th e status quo o f th e Polish In te rn e t m a rk e t to g eth er w ith th e results o f studies o n th e ways o f using th e n etw o rk a n d its users.

T ransform ations in the m a rk e t o f the dailies in th e first a n d second decades o f the tra n sfo rm a tio n are described by Jo an n a K onopka, w h o p resen ts th e h is to ry o f individual titles a n d th e ir publishers, en ric h in g h er analysis w ith a b u n d a n t n u m erical data p o rtra y in g th e m a rk e t p osition of individual new spapers in th e successive p erio d s o f th e last tw o decades. Jaroslaw G rzybczak tackles th e changes in the m agazines m arket. H is a r ti cle presents the histories o f the m agazines m ost p o p u la r at the begin n in g o f the tra n sfo rm a tio n a n d o f later p u b licatio n initiatives. M oreover, he has analysed th e changes in th e m a rk e t o f glossy m agazines, w h ich he c o m p lem en te d w ith a p re se n ta tio n o f th e c u rren tly largest an d m ost pow erful p ublishers oil the m agazines m arket.

H ie follow ing th re e articles in th is sec tio n are d e v o te d to ra d io an d television in Poland. K inga Z d ro je w sk a p re sen ts a h is to ry o f th e d e v e lo p m e n t o f th e co m m ercial secto r o f Polish ra d io b ro a d c a stin g , b e g in n in g w ith the first ra d io s ta rt-u p s in 1990, an d fin ish in g w ith th e situ atio n at th e en d o f th e first decade o f th e 21st century. She discusses th e sta g es o f d e v e lo p m e n t o f th e sector, th e p h e n o m e n a o f co n so lid atio n , n e t w o rk in g an d fo rm a ttin g , a n d th e p o sitio n s o f in d iv id u a l b ro a d casters, ra d io g ro u p s an d th e ir o w n e rs in th e m ark et. K atarzy n a V anevska deals w ith c o m m e rc ia l television in Poland. H e r tex t describes its o rig in after th e system ic changes, em e rg en c e o f successive players in th e m a rk e t, th e stages of dev elo p m en t, a n d th e c o n te m p o ra ry state of th is s e c to r o f th e m e d ia m ark e t. A c o m p le m e n ta tio n for th e above tw o texts is th e th ird one in the sec tio n , w h ic h M ag d alen a O leszkow icz dev o ted to the P olish p u b lic m ed ia. It discusses th e status, c h a rac teristics, s tru c tu re , m a rk e t p o sitio n , a n d p ro b le m s o f th e p u b lic m e d ia th a t re su lt p a rtly from i n creasing c o m p e titio n in th e m e d ia m ark e t, p a rtly fro m political e n ta n g lem en ts, an d p a rtly from th e tec h n o lo g ic al re v o lu tio n th a t c o n te m p o ra ry ele ctro n ic m e d ia are experiencing.

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Introduction 9

The follow ing articles are d evoted to m ed ia lying b eyond th e m a in stream , frequently o f niche natu re, th a t are n o t generally know n, w hich does n o t m e a n th a t th e y sh o u ld be less im p o rtan t. Tadeusz G alka s u m m arises th e tw o decades o f dev elo p m en t o f local an d regional m e d ia in Poland, p re sen tin g th e stages o f th e ir developm ent, sectorial divisions (press, radio, television, th e In tern et), an d also th e tran sfo rm atio n s tak in g place in th e m as a result o f m a rk e t a n d tec h n o lo g y dev elo p m en t im pacts. The article by Pawel Jezierski is dev o ted to th e C atholic m ed ia in Poland, th e ir developm ent in th e last 20 years, natu re, c u rre n t co n d itio n , a n d p o s i tio n th e m arket; all this against a m o re extensive context o f historical an d c o n te m p o ra ry pro b lem s o f th e C atholic C h u rc h in Poland. A n n a F njtczak investigates the tran sfo rm a tio n s th a t th e Polish fem in ist an d LGBT press has b e e n going th ro u g h in the past 20 years. P resen tin g th e h isto ry o f th e m o st p o p u la r fe m in ist press an d periodicals related to sexual m in o rities, the a u th o r pays a tte n tio n prim arily to the civic d e te rm in a n ts o f th e ir o p eration an d the role th e y play in th e shaping o f civil society in Poland. The p ublication closes w ith a n article by M a rta M ajorek a n d Justyna W ojniak devoted to the Public In fo rm a tio n Bulletin (Polish acronym : BIP): a sp e cific, alth o u g h very significant, e le m e n t o f th e c o n te m p o ra ry Polish m edia system . P resented in it are th e n o rm ativ e acts th at regulate the B ulletin’s status, form , functions, an d pro b lem s related to access to public in fo rm a tio n resulting from digital exclusion.

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Katarzyna P o ko rn a -lg n a to w icz

From the com m unist doctrine o f media to

free media. The concept o f a new inform ation

order in the Round Table Agreements

As a result o f the decisions m a d e by th e great pow ers after the second w orld war, P o lan d fo u n d itself a p a rt o f the E astern Bloc, w ithin the Soviet U n io n ’s sp h ere o f influence an d becam e th e Peoples R epublic o f P oland (PRL) - one o f the c o m m u n ist bloc countries, m o d elled o n the USSR’s c o m m u n is t political system and m edia d o ctrin e , k n o w n as th e “Leninist co n cep t o f the press”. This p rovided a com plete su b o rd in a tio n o f m ass m e d ia to political pow er, w h ich in th e People’s R epublic o f P oland was given to th e Polish U nited W orkers’ Party (the Polish c o m m u n ist party). The m e dia becam e a tool o f the c o m m u n is t party, w h ich h e ld th e actual, absolute pow er an d used it to force ail ideological im p a c t oil society, ho p in g th a t it co u ld use the m e d ia to shape th e beliefs, attitudes, a n d even b ehaviour of th e people in accordance w ith th e ir expectations. The PRL m e d ia system was ch aracterised by features typical to all to talita rian system s, su ch as th e basic control o f p ow er over the m ed ia m ark et th ro u g h the control of li censing w ith in the pub lish in g business (publishing any press title re q u ired perm issio n from the authorities), an d enacting censorship. The initial c o n trol of m ed ia c o n te n t was supervised by a specially ap p o in te d body, th e C en tra l Office for the C o n tro l o f th e Press, P ublications an d P erform ances

(G łów ny Urząd Kontroli Prasy, Publikacji i W idow isk).1

I n the PRL, th e press w as o n ly o p e n to “collective” p u b lish ers (th ere was no private press, so o n ly in stitu tio n s a n d o rg a n isa tio n s c o u ld e n gage in p ress p u b lish in g ). M ark et m e c h a n is m s d id n o t fu n c tio n , because

1 See: T, Goban-Klas, Niepokorna orkiestra medialna: dyrygenci i wykonawcy polityki inform a

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12 Katarzyna Pokorna-lgnatow icz

th e press m ark e t, like th e e n tire econom y, was cen trally p la n n e d a n d co n tro lled . It w as th e p a r ty th a t d e te rm in e d th e n u m b e r o f p ress titles p u b lish e d (by giving p e rm is sio n o r re fusing) a n d th e ir m a rk e t p o s itio n (d e cid in g h o w m u c h p a p e r will be allo cated to th e p rin tin g ). Press d e v e lo p m e n t w as lim ite d by p a p e r sh o rtag es, w h ich m e a n t th a t th ro u g h o u t th e tim e o f th e PRL, th e re w ere n o t e n o u g h p u b licatio n s c o m p a re d to th e d e m a n d , a n d in a d d itio n th e ir n a tu re a n d co n te n ts reflected n o t so m u c h th e in tere sts a n d ex p e ctatio n s o f th e re ad ers b u t ra th e r th e c u r re n t in fo rm a tio n p olicy o f th e party. This press deficit w as m ain ly related to m ag azin es (c o lo u r press) in th e e n te rta in m e n t o r even n o n -p o litic a l spheres: w o m e n ’s m agazines, n e w sp a p ers fo r c h ild re n , hobby, travel, etc. The daily n ew sp a p ers w ere n o t lacking, especially th o se p u b lish e d by th e stru c tu re o f th e c o m m u n is t p a r ty o f a clear political a n d p ro p a g a n d is tic n atu re , as th e p a r ty ’s p o w e r c o n sid e re d it as th e m o s t im p o rta n t an d p r i m a ry seg m en t o f th e press m ark e t.

H ie m o n o p o listic p o sitio n in the press m ark et was held by one p u b lishing co m p a n y - th e P ress-B ook-M ovem ent W orkers’ P ublishing C o o perative (R obotnicza Spółdzielnia W ydaw nicza Prasa-K siążka-Ruch or RSW ), o w n e d by the C en tral C o m m itte e o f th e co m m u n ist p a rty (K om itet

C entralny PZPR). It was established in 1947 (th en called R S W ‘P rasa”)

a n d to o k over other, often larger, publishers an d titles issued by th e m (in 1948, th e pu b lish in g house W iedza (K now ledge) an d in 1951 the p u b lish e r C zytelnik (R eader), th e biggest p ublisher o f the po st-w ar p e rio d in th e p o p u la r press) a n d quickly gained th e p o sitio n o f th e largest press p u b lisher in Poland. R SW established a m o n o p o ly in 1972, w h e n it in c lu d e d in its stru c tu re th e only press d istrib u tio n co m p a n y in Poland, Ruch (M ovem ent). After th e m erger, d u rin g th e tw o last decades o f th e PRL, RSW was pub lish in g approxim ately 85 p er cent o f the press titles in P oland (m o re accurately: 92 p e r cent o f new spapers a n d over 70 p er cent o f m ag a zines). RSW was th e exclusive d istrib u to r o f the press, o w n e d th e m ajo rity o f p rin tin g co m p an ies and p rin tin g houses in the country, an d even its o w n research in stitu tio n o f high in te rn a tio n a l standing, the Press Research C en tre (Ośrodek B adań Prasoznaw czych), w h ich co o p erated w ith m edia studies in stitu tio n s a ro u n d th e w orld.

O n th e o th e r h a n d , since 1960 rad io a n d television fu n c tio n e d u n d e r th e superv isio n o f R ad io k o m itet (R adio C o m m ittee), ail in stitu tio n s u b jected to th e supervision o f the g o v ern m e n t an d party. By th e en d o f th e

PRL only th e n ational Polish R adio (b ro ad castin g fo u r natio n w id e p ro g ra m m e s an d w ith 17 regional branches) an d Polish Television (tw o n a tionw ide pro g ram m es) w ere in o peration. F rom the 70s, p a rty au thorities

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From th e com m unist doctrine o f media to free m e d ia ... 13

con sid ered television to be th e m a in m e d iu m in fulfilling a political role an d th ey fully con tro lled it, using it for the p ro p a g an d a p u rp o se s.2

It was w ith in th is m ed ia system th a t th e o p p o sitio n fo u n d itself w h e n it becam e active in th e late 1970s. The d e m o c ratisatio n o f th e m ed ia sys te m was also o n e o f th e m a in d e m a n d s o f th e Solidarity m o v em en t (N S Z Z

Solidarność) in 1980-81, w ith jo u rn alists active in th e A ssociation o f Polish

Journalists (Stow arzyszenie D zien n ika rzy Polskich), w h ich was fighting for change. By th e en d o f th e 1980s this was n o t yet possible, because th e rulers believed th a t control o f th e m ed ia was essential for effective governance. The deep political, econom ic an d social crisis in th e late 1980s m a d e th e m aw are o f th e inevitability o f change, w hich led to th e decision o f begin n in g talks w ith th e o p p o sitio n on th e d e m o c ratisatio n o f th e existing system .3

Work on the concept of a new inform ation order

A fter several m o n th s o f prep aratio n an d on-going exploratory talks between the years 1988-1989 the R ound Table Talks began - the negotiations for the changes th at were about to take place in the Polish political system, economy, society and m edia system. The R ou n d Table Talks were held from 6 F eb ru ary to 5 April 1989 w ith the p articipation o f representatives o f the au th o ri ties form ing the p arty coalition an d representatives of the m ain opposition groups, co ncentrated aro u n d the m an a g em en t of Solidarity (Solidarność), also k n o w n as the civic side. The negotiations to o k place in the presence of observers appointed by the authorities of the C atholic C hurch in Poland. H ie result of m ore th a n two m o n th s o f w ork was the signing o f the R ou n d Table A greem ents (Porozumienia Okrągłego Stołu) o n 5 April 1989 - a political c o n tra ct u n d e r w hich P oland w ould begin the transition from the People’s Republic’s “real socialism” to dem ocracy and a m ark et econom y.4

O n e o f th e p o in ts o f th e R o u n d Table A greem ents was a “R ep o rt on th e w o rk o f th e S ub-C om m ittee o n th e M edia”5 co n ta in in g a d escrip tio n o f th e changes to the m e d ia system agreed o n by the co m m ittee a p p o in ted

2 See: K. Pokorn a - Ignato wicz, Telewizja w systemie politycznym i m edialnym PRL. M iędzy p o 

lityką a widzem, Kraków 2003.

3 More about media’s activities in PRL in: R. Habielski, Polityczna historia mediów w Polsce tv X X wieku, Warszawa 2009 oraz D. Grzelewska, R. Habielski, A. Kozieł, J. Osie a, L, Piwońska-Pomykało, Prasa, radio i telewizja w Polsce. Zarys dziejów, Warszawa 2001, pp. 143-210.

A See: A. Dudek, Pierwsze lata III Rzeczypospolitej 1989 - 2001, Kraków 2004, pp. 32-42.

5 Sprawozdanie z prac Podzespołu ds. Środków Masowego Przekazu, [in:] Okrągły Stół doku

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specifically for this p u rp o se , provisionally called th e m ed ia su b -c o m m ittee o r podstolik m edialny (literally, a m e d ia sub-table), w h ich consisted o f n e  g otiators a n d experts rep resen tin g b o th c o n tra ctin g parties, th e ru lin g an d th e opposition. The m ed ia su b -c o m m ittee was d eliberating fro m th e first m ee tin g o n 17 F eb ru a ry to th e last one - th e sixth - o n 22 M arch. The w o rk o f th e tea m was led by tw o co -ch airm en : re p rese n tin g th e g o v ern m e n t side was B ogdan Jachacz (PAP editor) a n d rep resen tin g th e civic side was K rzysztof Kozłowski (ed ito r o f Tygodnik Powszechny).

B oth n eg o tiatin g sides “sh a re d a b elief in th e n e e d to b u ild a n ew i n fo rm a tio n order,” b u t “it was p ro b a b ly th e o n ly p o in t u p o n w h ic h th e re w as a c o n se n su s”.6 R ulers feared th e c o n se q u en ce s o f in tro d u c in g m a rk e t p rin cip les in th e m ed ia, a n d especially th e loss o f co n tro l o ver th e m edia. They w ere also afraid o f th e co n se q u e n c e s o f b re a k in g existing m o n o p o lies th a t w ere s u b o rd in a te d to th e m (the RSW p u b lish in g co m p a n y an d R ad io k o m ite t), a n d above all, th e y w ere afraid o f freed o m o f th e m ed ia, as th e y w ere “b ro u g h t up ” o n th e c o m m u n is t d o c trin e o f th e m e d ia an d w ere con v icted th a t it is a n ec essary “to o l” fo r th o s e in p ow er to have th e m e d ia an d jo u rn a lists s u b o rd in a te d to th e ir directives. H ie o p p o si tio n d e m a n d e d p lu ra lism in th e m e d ia m a rk e t a n d e n s u re d freed o m o f sp ee ch as well as th e in tro d u c tio n o f ru les u n d e r w h ic h th e m e d ia o p e r ates in W e ste rn dem o cracies. A g reein g to specific so lu tio n s p re c e d e d by long a n d s to rm y d iscu ssio n s to o k several weeks, b u t because b o th p artie s w a n te d to reach a c o m p ro m ise an d b o th sides e m p h a sise d th e ir sincere in ten tio n s an d re sp ect for th e o p p o n e n ts, from w eek to w eek th e ir p o si tio n s becam e closer.

"Report from the w o rk of the mass media com m ittee"

O n 5 April 1989 the final version o f the R ou n d Table A greem ents (Poro

zu m ien ia Okrągłego Stołu) was form ally signed, w h ich in clu d ed th e “R e

p o rt o n th e w o rk o f th e c o m m itte e for m ass m edia” (Spraw ozdanie z prac

zespołu do spraw środków społecznego p rze k a zu )7. Thus th e co n c ep t “o f

a new in fo rm a tio n o rd e r” developed by the m ed ia su b -c o m m ittee becam e p a rt o f th e political co n tra ct signed betw een th e th e n g o v ern m e n t a n d th e o p p o sitio n forces gathered a ro u n d Solidarity.

6 J. Galewski, P. Osęka, J. Urbański, Z. Wóycicka, Okrągły Stół: główne obszary sporów, [in:]

Okrągły Stół dokum enty i materiały, VoL 2, op. cit., p. 15.

7 Sprawozdanie z prac Podzespołu ds. Środków Masowego Przekazu, [in:] Okrągły Stół doku

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The d o c u m e n t o p en s w ith th e statem en t th a t “th e c o m m u n ica tio n sys te m existing in P oland is o u t-d a te d an d in ad e q u ate for th e changes taking place, a n d th e c o n d itio n o f th e m aterial bases o f th e press, radio, T V an d IT are d esperate”.8 This diagnosis o f th e status q u o was correct o n b o th counts. The m ed ia system o f th e Peoples R epublic o f Poland valid at th a t tim e was n o t o n ly o u t-d ate d , b u t also in co m p atib le w ith th e principles o f d em o c rac y a n d a m a rk e t econom y, w hich h a d to be im p le m en ted in th e country. The statem en t a b o u t th e “d esperate” co n d itio n o f th e in fra stru c tu re suited reality. The p rin tin g in fra stru c tu re a n d television a n d ra d io s technical base w ere in a disastrous condition; old tec h n o lo g y was being used, th e eq u ip m en t was depleted, a n d th e m e n tio n e d “I T ” hard w are sim ply w asn’t there. O u r civilizational backw ardness in this area m ea n t th a t in in tern a tio n a l statistics we w ere one o f the last in E urope.9

After diagnosing the existing situation, th e nex t step was to form ulate a p rescription for it, co n c lu d ed in th e following statem ent: “W e ac k n o w l edge the n eed for the rap id c o n stru c tio n o f a new in fo rm a tio n order, w hich m u st reflect the pluralism th a t exists in society, resp o n d in g to processes of d em o c ratisatio n an d rejecting any m o n o p o ly in th is field. The aim o f th e n ew o rd e r sh o u ld be th e possibility o f free particip atio n o f political p a r ties, groups an d individuals in all form s of c o m m u n ica tio n , a result to be achieved only if censorship is abolished.”10

H ie rest of the re p o rt co n ta in e d a description o f the principles o f th e “n ew in fo rm a tio n o rd e r” a n d th e specific changes to be m a d e in th e sh o rt and long term , for th e existing PRL m ed ia system to t u r n in to a typical d em o c ratic system . It began by defining the fu n c tio n s th a t the m edia should fulfil, by saying th at regardless o f political o rien ta tio n , th ey sh o u ld be “fair an d p re sen t com plete an d objective in fo rm atio n , expressing th e o p in io n s o f society (...) control o f p ow er in a w ide range o f concepts an d d efen d civil liberties a n d the interests o f the individual (...) to cooperate in th e w o rk o f d em o c ratic reform s,"11 describing the fu tu re functions of th e m ed ia in th e w ay th ey are defined in d em o c ratic systems, a n d stating th a t the “n ew o rd e r” sh o u ld be based on freedom o f speech a n d plu ralism clearly set the goal an d d ire c tio n o f the change th a t h a p p e n e d in P oland to build a d em o c ratic m e d ia system.

8 Ibidem , p. 31.

9 See: Komunikowanie masowe w Polsce: łata osiemdziesiąte, ed. W. Pisarek, „Zeszyty P ra soznawcze” 1991, No. 1-2.

10 Sprawozdanie £ prac Podzespołu ds. Środków Masowego Przekazu, [in:] Okrągły Stół doku

m enty i materiały, Vol. 4, op. cit., p. 31

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Successive subsections o f th e d o c u m e n t co n ta in a d esc rip tio n o f th e specific actions th a t n ee d ed to be tak e n in o rd e r to achieve th is goal. M ost o f th e m c o n c ern e d th e press m arket. It stated th a t it is necessary to en su re n ew en tra n ts o n th e political a n d social stages th e possibility o f issuing th e ir ow n publications. The press p u b lish ed by Solidarity, liq u id ated u n d e r m a rtia l law (1982), w ould be revived an d illegal publications w ould n o t be repressed, an d th e y w o u ld be legalised as so o n as possible. Therefore, after th e 4 June 1989 elections, th e o p p o sitio n gained th e rig h t to im m ediately create its ow n nationw ide new sp ap er - G azeta Wyborcza.

For a free a n d pluralistic press m a rk e t to develop as so o n as possible (as stated even in this te rm o f th e P arliam ent), changes n ee d ed to be m ake in the existing laws for th e press (the press law a n d th e law on th e control o f p ublications an d p erfo rm an ces) consisting in a change in the system o f approving new spapers, by replacing the c u rre n t licensing system w ith an application system (instead o f having to be g ra n te d a u th o riz atio n fro m G U K PP iW [Office o f the C ensor], it was en o u g h ju st to register the title). Ultimately, th e abolition o f censorship was plan n ed , a n d by th is tim e it was to be a significant liberalisation and re d u ctio n o f th e pow ers o f the ce n so r ship office. U ntil the new regulations en tered into force, th e g o v ern m e n t agreed to c o n d u c t a liberal policy to w ard illegal p u b licatio n s (to n o t r e press these publications, th e ir au th o rs an d publishers) an d the o p p o sitio n c o m m itte d to th e fastest possible regulation o f its pu b lish in g activities in accordance w ith th e applicable legal order, th a t is to legalise in d e p e n d e n t p ub lish in g houses as so o n as it was legally possible.

M u c h m o re difficult was finding a so lu tio n to th e p ro b lem o f p aper assig n m en t for n ew p u b lish in g initiatives. E ventually - fro m th e b eg in ning of L990 - th e co m m ercialisatio n o f its tu rn o v e r was p lanned, but by th a t tim e the assurance o f a fair division betw een existing an d n ew titles was decided. In th e final p a rt dedicated to th e press m ark et, th e o p p o si tio n also expressed its p o sitio n th a t “th e p re d ic ted free p ap e r m ark e t, as well as th e p o stu lated pluralistic d em o c ratised n ew in fo rm a tio n order, is n o t com p atib le w ith the c u rre n t m o n o p o ly s tru c tu re o f th e RSW Prasa- K siqzka-Ruch”.12

The a rran g e m e n ts for th e press (especially th e decision to change th e licensing system for reg istratio n a n d the decision for free circulation o f p ap e r) en su re d a basis for the creation o f a fully free an d d em o c ratic press m a rk e t in th e future. They w ere realised relatively quickly by m ak in g changes in th e law; in the last days o f M ay 1989, the press law an d the law

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on th e control o f p ublications a n d p erfo rm an c es (Prawo prasowe, Ustawa

o kontroli publikacji i w idow isk) was am ended; o n 22 M arch 1990 RSW

“P rasa-K siążka-R uch” was liquidated; o n 11 A pril 1990 censorship was abolished by abolishing th e C en tra l Office o f th e C o n tro l o f Publications an d P erform ances.13

The price for these fa r-reaching concessions to th e g o v ern m e n t c o n cern in g th e press was leaving th e audio-visual m ed ia system in a n alm ost u n ch a n g ed form , especially television. The au th o rities believed in fact th a t th e co n tro l o f T V w as a p rio rity for th em , an d th e opp o sitio n , aw are o f th e a d a m a n t p o sitio n o f th e au th o rities in th e m a tte r o f giving th e m pow er over television, decided to “e a rn as m u c h as possible” o n th e press m a r ket. Therefore, decisions o n th e rad io a n d television m e d ia w ere n o t as d ram atic as in th e case o f the press a n d co n c e rn e d m o re the p ro g ra m m e o f T VP an d Polish R adio th a n th e stru c tu re an d legal fram ew o rk o f the f u tu re “n ew o rd e r in th e e th e r”. A irtim e was pro v id ed for th e opposition, in w hich p ro g ram m es p resen tin g candidates w ere show n as well as o p p o si tio n p ro g ram m es, an d in the fu tu re sim ilar p ro g ra m m in g w indow s w ould also receive different, new ly legally acting entities o f public life, an d after th e ap p ro p riate ag reem en t betw een th e episcopate a n d th e ra d io c o m m it tee was signed, th is also in clu d ed th e C atholic C h u rch . R adio com m ittee m a n a g e m e n t was re q u ired to en su re a greater p lurality of views oil radio and television p ro g ram m es an d the po stin g o f corrections if th e n eed arose. The inclusion o f th e representatives o f various co m m u n itie s into th e m a n agem ent o f th e rad io a n d T V (rad io c o m m itte e an d P ro g ra m m e C ouncil) and the beginning o f w o rk oil th e act for fu tu re regulations was a n n o u n c e d - a m o re d em o c ratic “n ew o rd e r in th e e th e r”. A sm all n u m b e r o f specific assig n m en ts in relation to rad io a n d television were co m p lem e n te d by an extensive “catalogue o f discrepancies” co n ta in in g different positions o f th e negotiating parties oil various issues related to th e fu n c tio n in g o f e le ctro n ic m ed ia an d the very co n c e p t o f a legal an d organ isatio n al future “n ew o rder in th e e th e r”. The ru lin g p a rty consistently insisted oil leaving r a dio an d television in a n u n ch a n g e d stru ctu re an d u n d e r its d irect control, while th e o p p o sitio n insisted o n b rin g in g in solutions th a t w ould ensure d em o c ratic p rin cip les o f p luralism an d freedom in rad io a n d television as well. D espite different ideas ab o u t th e future o f rad io a n d television, h o w ever, th e y agreed to set up a “proxy for th e o pposition’s p ro g ram m es”, e x ten d in g access for the new political entitles to an ten n as, T V p ro g ram m es

13 See: T. Mielczarek, Monopol, pluralizm, koncentracja. Środki komunikowania masowego

w Polsce w łatach 1989-2006, Warszawa 2007 and W. Sonczyk, Media w Polsce: zarys prob lematyki, Warszawa 1999.

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an d Polish Radio; startin g w o rk o n “a m o re pluralistic m o d el o f m an a g in g ra d io an d television” (w ith o u t specifying w h a t it w o u ld consist o f), an d presenting th eir ow n visions o f th e fu tu re th ird television p ro g ram m e an d fifth n atio n al ra d io p ro g ra m m e (the o p p o sitio n believed th a t “these p r o g ra m m e s sh o u ld be m ad e available to th e o p p o sitio n o f social forces, tra d e u n io n s, th e C atholic C h u rc h an d o th e r religions a n d eth n ic m in o ritie s”).14 It can therefore be co n clu d ed th a t th e a rran g e m e n ts o f th e R o u n d Table fully changed th e fu n c tio n in g o f th e press m ark et, w hile for ra d io a n d T V th e y o n ly p o in te d th e w ay tow ards fu tu re changes, leaving th e m ed ia in th e c u rre n t system for now.

D iscussions o n th e future, d em o c ratic “o rd e r in th e e th e r” lasted for th ree years after the en d o f the R ou n d Table, a n d e n d e d w ith the passing o f th e R adio a n d Television A ct o n 29 D ecem b er 1992, w h ich established a free a n d pluralistic system o f electronic m edia, created th e typical E u ro pean m odel o f dual public a n d com m ercial sections, an d called into being th e N ational C o m m ittee o f R adio an d Television B roadcasting (Krajowa

R ada Radiofonii i Telewizji), w hich was to en su re freedom o f speech on

rad io an d television, to defend the in d e p e n d e n c e o f broadcasters an d th e interests o f co n su m ers an d to en su re the “o pen and pluralistic n atu re o f rad io a n d television”.15 The build in g o f the ra d io an d television m ark ets in the co m in g years is p resen ted in fu rth e r chapters dev o ted to com m ercial b roadcasting an d p ublic m e d ia in Poland.

At th e en d o f th e rep o rt, reference is m a d e to th e verification jo u rn a l ists co n d u c te d u n d e r m artial law,16 to assess w h ere the parties have not agreed o n a c o m m o n p o sitio n (the opp o sitio n believed it to be u n ju st and im m oral, th e g o v ern m en t believed it to be necessary in th o se c o n d i tions), but it m an a g ed to reach an ag reem e n t o n the future o f journalists, w hich w as reflected in th e statem ent: “th e p artie s co n sid er it necessary to

m enty i materiały, Vol. 4, op. cit., p. 36.

15 Act on radio and television o f 29 D ecember 1992, Art, 6.

16 A fter the introduction o f m artial law in Poland o n 13 D ecember 1981, in w inter 1982, the journalist’s verification action was held. Each journalist h ad to appear in front of the verifi cation com m ission, com posed of high officials o f the party, a n d make a declaration o f loy alty to the governm ent. In order to obtain the right to return to work, they had to receive was a positive decision o f verification. As a result, the journalism environm ent of Poland perm anently split into those w ho were deprived o f the right to practise the profession and those who were in the official editorial offices, because the party considered them to be loyal. However the entire journalistic environm ent was deeply humiliated. See: W. Pisarek,

Polityka informacyjna, [in:] Komunikowanie masowe w Polsce: lata osiemdziesiąte, „Zeszyty

Prasoznawcze” 1991, No. 1-2, p. 40, K. Pokorna-lgnatowicz, Telewizja w systemie politycz

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m ake a clear, u n am b ig u o u s an d m ean in g fu l public statem en t by m e a n in g ful, official factors, th a t all m e d ia p e rso n n e l p ersecu tio n for th e ir political views will n ev e r a n d u n d e r n o circu m stan ces in th e fu tu re occur.” 17 The o p p o sitio n also appealed to guaran tee jo u rn alists access to in fo rm a tio n an d to respect th e rig h t to m ake corrections. The d o c u m e n t concluded by saying th a t “th e parties are convinced th a t having created a n ew m u lti stakeholder c o m m u n ica tio n system , th e principle o f m u tu a l respect m u st be a d h e red to even m o re firmly, striving for a h ig h level o f political culture free from hostility, hatred , o r prejudice tow ards e th n ic o r religious groups w hile preserv in g th e ir o w n outlook, political a n d social identity, by th e v arious forces o f pluralistic society”.18

The m e d ia section o f the R ou n d Table co n tra ct, developed by the m e dia su b -c o m m ittee in th e form o f th e “n ew in fo rm a tio n o rd e r”, becam e th e basis for the changes in the m e d ia system . A lm ost all o f the arran g e m e n ts c o n ta in e d in th e re p o rt w ere im plem ented, w h ic h resulted in the creation o f a d em o c ratic m e d ia system in P oland w ith in a few years, based oil free do m of speech an d pluralism . C hanges in th e press m a rk e t o c c u rre d re la tively quickly - w ith in th e first few m o n th s. Two factors h a d a fu n d a m e n tal value in th is process: political - including the changes in legal regulations (changes in the press law th at released publishers from the o bligation to o btain p erm its for issuing new spapers an d m agazines and the ab olition o f censorship); a n d eco n o m ic - th e in tro d u c tio n o f m a rk e t principles in th e econom y, an d therefore also th e o n th e press m arket.

H ie h ard est o p eratio n was th e privatisation o f the press an d elim in atio n o f th e R SW “ Pr as a - K si ą żka-R uch” m o n o p o ly (it w as one o f the key c o n d i tions o f the “n ew in fo rm a tio n o rd e r”). O n 22 M arch 1990 th e P arliam ent passed a law to liquidate the c o n c e rn .19 By virtue o f th e law th e L iquidation C o m m ittee was established, w hose task w as to c a rry o u t th e liq u id atio n process, the valuation o f th e assets o f RSW an d tran sfer it in to th e h a n d s o f n ew ow ners. P lenty o f ex citem en t was especially felt in the journalistic e n v iro n m e n t because o f th e w ay new sp ap er titles belonging to th e liq u i dated c o n c ern w ere to be privatised. The provisions o f th e Act gave th e L iquidation C o m m ittee the rig h t to sell by te n d e r o f free transfer o f th e title to jo u rn alists i f th ey established jo u rn a list cooperatives (spółdzielnia

dziennikarska).

m enty i materiały, Vol. 4, op. cit., p. 36.

la Ibidem, p. 37.

19 Ustawa z dnia 22 marca 1990 r. o likwidacji Robotniczej Spółdzielni Wydawniczej „Prasa- -K siążk a-R u d i”, Dz. U. 1990, No. 21, item 125.

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The co m m issio n decid in g th e fate o f th e privatised titles h a d to include conflicting expectations: th e jo u rn alists, w h o w ere interested in taking over titles created by th e m a n d th o se w h o believed th a t th e in co m es from th e sale o f p a rty co n cern s sh o u ld be cred ited to th e state budget. To be able to satisfy these c o n tra d ic to ry expectations, th e co m m issio n decided th a t a little m o re th a n h a lf o f th e titles w ould be given to new ly fo rm e d jo u rn a l ist cooperatives, a n d a little less th a n h a lf w ould be sold. It is w o rth n o tin g one p artic u la r title, because it d id n o t have to be g u id ed by th e criterio n o f th e hig h est price.20 M any o f its decisions aro u sed controversy, w hich e n d e d w ith a public accu satio n o f secrecy an d bias, an d even law suits th a t stretched for several years, b u t as a result o f its activities in th e first h a lf o f th e decade, R S W s press titles passed into th e h an d s o f new ow ners. The fate o f the biggest one w as described in the following sections of the bo o k d ev o ted to daily new sp ap ers a n d m agazines an d th e ir publishers.

Today, m o re th a n 20 years after these events, only a h a n d fu l o f p e o ple re m e m b e r th e heated debates o f 1989 an d som e o f the co n cern s an d co n cep ts seem to be naive an d rid icu lo u s (like fierce disputes ab o u t an equitable system o f p ap e r distribution). They are w o rth re m e m b erin g , as th a n k s to th em th e p artic ip a n ts o f the m ed ia sub-com m ittee, representing th e auth o rities an d the opp o sitio n , developed th e co n cep t of a “new in fo r m a tio n o rd e r” an d th a n k s to the g o o d will o f both negotiating p artie s at th e R o u n d Table, it was possible to bring th a t o rd e r into life, creating th e basis for building th e c u rre n t Polish m e d ia system .

Bibliography

1. D u d e k A., Pierw sze lata III Rzeczypospolitej 1989-2001, Wyd. A r cana, K raków 2004.

2. Galewski J., O sęka P., U rbański J., W óycicka Z., Okrqgly Stół: głów 

ne obszary sporów, [w:] Okrągły Stół d o ku m en ty i m ateriały, Vol. 2,

ed. W. B orodziej i A. G arlicki, W arszaw a 2004.

3. G oban-K las T., N iepokorna orkiestra m edialna: dyrygenci i w yko 

naw cy po lityki inform acyjnej w Polsce p o 1944 roku, O ficyna W y

daw nicza ASPRA-JR, W arszaw a 2004.

20 See: L. Strzyczkowski, Likwidacja R S W „Prasa-Książka-Ruch”, [in:] Pokkie media w okre sie przemian, ed. J, Olędzki, Warszawa 1991, pp. 112-118, K. Schliep, Prywatyzacja prasy,

[in:] Media i dziennikarstwo w Polsce 1989-1995, ed. G.G. Kopper, I. Rutkiewicz, K. Schliep, Kraków 1996, pp. 129-138.

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4. G rzelew ska D., H abielski R., Kozieł A., O sica J., P iw ońska-P om yka ło L., Prasa, radio i telewizja w Polsce. Z a rys dziejów , W yd. Elipsa, W arszawa 2001.

5. H abielski R., Polityczna historia m ediów w Polsce w X X wieku, WAiP, W arszawa 2009.

6. K om unikow anie m asow e w Polsce: lata osiemdziesiąte, ed. W. Pisa rek, „Zeszyty Prasoznaw cze” 1991, No. 1-2.

7. M ielczarek T., M onopol, pluralizm , koncentracja. Środki ko m u n i

kow ania masowego w Polsce w latach 1989-2006, WAiP, W arszawa

2007.

8. Pisarek W., Polityka inform acyjna, [in:] K om unikow anie m asow e

w Polsce: lata osiem dziesiąte, „Zeszyty Prasoznaw cze” 1991, No.

1

-

2

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9. P okorna-lgnatow icz K., Telewizja w system ie p o lityczn ym i m edial

n ym PRL. M ięd zy polityką a w idzem , W yd. UJ, K raków 2003.

10. Schliep K , Pryw atyzacja prasy, [in:] M edia i dziennikarstw o w Pol

sce 1989-1995, ed. G.G. Kopper, I, R utkiew icz, K. Schliep, OBP,

K raków 1996.

11. S onczyk W., M edia w Polsce: zarys problem atyki, WSiP, W arszawa 1999.

12. Spraw ozdanie z prac Podzespołu ds. Środków Masowego Przekazu, [in:] Okrągły Stół d o ku m en ty i m ateriały, Vol. 4, ed. W. Borodziej, A. Garlicki, W arszawa 2004.

13. Strzyczkowski L., Likw idacja R SW „ P ra sa-K sią żka-R u ch ”, [in:] Pol

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Z b ig n ie w Bajka

Journalists in Poland at the tu rn o f the century

(the fo u rth estate or the estate o f bound men)

Yonder sits th e F ourth Estate, a n d th e y are m o re im p o r ta n t f a r th a n th e m all

E d m u n d B urke

Introduction

A lthough m an y people believe th at jo u rn alism as a profession was b o rn in the early n ineteenth century, it is nevertheless a profession th at has its roots in antiquity. The origins o f the press are associated w ith the “Acta d iu rn al’' created by C aesar in 59 BC. This is because th e first reporters (operarii) were b o rn in the capital o f the R om an Em pire. From the Latin w ord diurnalis (journaling) an d diurnus (daily), cam e the w ord dies (day); later cam e the Italian term giom ale (log) and giornalisti (journalists). Again in Latin, from the w ord reporto (referring, to inform ) conies a rep o rt (and reporter).

Even in ancient times journalists were not seen as people without blemish, as evidenced by the saying sunt aliqui diurtiari probi u tsu ntaliq ui homines an in re

pubhca exercitati. Postquam empti sunt, empti m anent (There are honest journal

ists like there are honest politicians. O nce bribed, they rem ain bribeable.).1

Anyone can be a journalist?

A t th e b eg in n in g o f th e w ritten press jo u rn alists, publishers an d booksell ers w ere often also w riters. In Poland, m o re clearly th a n in o th e r E uropean

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24 Z b ig n ie w Bajka

countries, publishers an d jo u rn alists w ere seen as sacred persons. As a d is tin c t g ro u p o f professionals, jo u rn alists ap p eared fro m th e 1930s w ith th e rise an d dev elo p m en t o f th e press a n d m ass m edia. W ith tim e, th e profes sion u n d e rw e n t a significant evolution; however, people o f diverse back g ro u n d s (w riters, scholars, professionals from different fields) still jo in its ranks, m oving fro m th e ir original p u rp o se (collecting a n d publishing in fo rm atio n ) to a h ig h er one: to educate, to explain different p h en o m e n a, an d (differently in different countries) to presen t th e voice o f the public.

E xtending th e tasks o f jo u rn alism , th e em ergence o f n ew m ed ia an d its grow ing im p act caused a sh a rp gro w th in th is professional group. Today, m a n y believe th a t th is is a profession for freelancers a n d e n try sh o u ld n o t be re stric ted by any official barriers, b u t th ere are people an d co u n tries w here ad h eren ce to th e profession o f jo u rn a lism a n d th e jo u rn a lis ts p r o fessional status is regulated by law.

In P oland there are plenty o f people w h o perceive them selves as jo u r nalists, th o u g h th ey d o n o t necessarily even p erfo rm th e w o rk o f jo u rn a l ists; however, they w ould n o t be considered as such if one were to apply the standards used in different countries, even th ro u g h o u t the E uropean Union. In Italy, the journalist is the one w hose m ain salary com es from w orking in the profession, an d th e C h am b er o f Journalism keeps a record o f profes sional journalists. In France, a journalist is som eone w ho has the “La carte d’identite journalistes des professionnels” (press card, renew ed annually). In Spain (although there is n o legal definition o f journalist) th e F ederation o f the Press (u n d e r co n tract w ith th e journalist syndicate) also issues a p ro fessional press card. In Switzerland, journalism is an o pen profession, but som eone registered in “Le Professionel Registre” (Register o f Journalists’ U nions) has a m u c h greater chance o f finding a better job an d salary in this profession th a n som eone w ho is n o t registered. Finally, in G erm any to have the status o f professional journalist is to have a press card issued by one o f the associations o f journalists, am ong w hich the m o st pow erful (w ith over 38,000 m em bers) is th e V erband D eutscher Journalisten.2

H ie legal d o c u m e n t th at defines w h o is a jo u rn alist in P oland is the Press Law o f 1984 (as am e n d ed ), according to w hich, “a jo u rn a list is a p erso n engaged in editing, creating or p re p arin g press m aterials, e m ployed by an ed ito r o r engaged in such activities o n th e p ow er o f editorial authorization,”3 w hile an ed ito r w as “a jo u rn a list m ak in g o r p artic ip a tin g in m ak in g publishing decisions.” This definition was c o n stru c te d in a d if

2 2. Bajka, Status dziennikarzy w Polsce. Relacje wlasciciel-dzienttikarz. The report o f the Se nate C om m ittee for Culture and Media, June 1999.

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ferent political a n d m ed ia era (before th e advent o f th e In te rn e t an d th e sta rt o f th e process o f th e digitization o f m edia). There have been several attem pts - u n fo rtu n a tely unsuccessful - in b o th th e ad o p tio n o f a n ew press law, as well as to regulate th e jo u rn a lism profession. W riting these w ords, th e P resident o f th e R epublic o f P oland w as o n e o f th e initiators o f th e w o rk o n a draft law o n th e profession o f jo u rn a list in Poland. A t th e b e g in n in g o f 2002 th e Senate bill o n th e profession o f jo u rn a lism was finally drafted.4 O n e o f th e m o st im p o rta n t legacies o f th e project was th e cre ation o f th e S uprem e C h a m b e r o f Journalism , w h ich w o u ld be re q u ire th e co m p u lso ry m e m b e rsh ip o f journalists. The project involved th e creation o f local jo u rn a lism sim ilar to th e existing ch am b ers o f g o v ern m e n t (e.g. th e C h a m b e r o f M edicine). From th e b eg in n in g it was criticized by som e professional jo u rn alists (especially th e SDP) a n d editors (such as th o se o f

G azeta W yborcza), and n e v e r im plem ented, n e ith e r th e n n o r in subsequent

te rm s o f th e Parliam ent. A n o th e r draft o f a n ew press law, d ra w n u p w ith in th e Polish Journalists A ssociation, was n o t b ro u g h t before th e Parliam ent.

So in the end, th e old laws re m a in e d in place an d n o w the definition o f jo u rn a lis t in P oland can en co m p ass an y n u m b e r o f occupations: a full tim e jo u rn a list for Rzeczpospolita, as well as a tea ch er w h o once issued a q u arte rly m agazine w ith a circulation o f several h u n d re d , a university tea ch er w h o w rites essays, a sp o k esm an for th e m ayor, and, in th e last sev eral years, apparently, a p e rso n w h o creates a w ebsite an d p u ts any a m o u n t o f in fo rm a tio n oil it.

The training of journalists in Poland

The Polish tra d itio n o f jo u rn a list edu catio n is over a ce n tu ry old. H ie first jo u rn a lism school was created by Stefan G ó ra (in 1903), b u t only in 1911 did a jo u rn a lis m faculty o p e n in th e School o f Political Sciences in Kraków. Six years later, th e W arsaw School o f Political Science created a sim ilar faculty, th o u g h for p rogram an d financial reasons it was dissolved after five years. A fterw ards, the School o f Jo u rn a lism at the Faculty o f H u m a n i ties was fo rm e d at the Free Polish U niversity in Warsaw, an d fro m 1927 it has existed as ail in d e p e n d e n t, private H igher School o f Journalism . After W orld W ar II, the Journalism Faculty o f the A cadem y o f Political Science was based on it, an d d u rin g th e su b se q u e n t tran sfo rm atio n it becam e p art o f th e s tru c tu re o f th e U niversity o f W arsaw; in 1953 th e D e p a rtm e n t o f

Journalists in Poland a t th e turn o f th e cen tury... 25

! The authors o f the draft law: prof. Jacek Sobczak an d d r Jędrzej Skrzypczak (Adam Mickie wicz University in Poznaii).

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Journalism at th e U niversity o f W arsaw was created. Its activities w ere su s p e n d e d in 1960, after w hich th e in te r-U W Journalism School was form ed, w h ich ed u c ated graduates fro m different degree p ro g ram m es. A n ew h is to ry o f jo u rn a lism in W arsaw begins in 1975, w h e n th e F aculty o f Jo u rn a l ism an d Political Science was form ed.

In Kraków, after the Second W orld War, the School o f Social Sciences formed in the late 40s, which then became a part o f the Jagiellonian University, and then was renam ed the Study o f Journalism, which after a few years ceased to exist. It was not until 1971 at the Faculty o f Philology at the Jagiellonian University that the Postgraduate School of Journalism was formed, led by D r Jacek Kajtoch. In 1976, he created the political science journalism specialty at the Institute of Political Studies o f the Jagiellonian University. After the change o f regime the International School of Journalism (under the direction o f Teresa Sasińska-Klas) was created, followed by the Institute o f Journalism and Com m unication at the Jagiellonian University in 1998.

After 1990, m ore public an d private universities began train in g future journalists. Currently, we have m ore th a n 90 institutions o f higher educa tio n in Poland, b o th public an d private, educating potential journalists. In Kraków, there are tw o program s at th e Jagiellonian University, an d a p ro gram at the U niversity o f Education, the Pontifical University o f John Paul II, the Andrzej Frycz-M odrzew ski K raków University, the M ałopolska H igher Vocational School, the B ogdan Jaiiski A cadem y in Kraków, the T ischner E u ropean University, the K raków University of Econom ics (postgraduate stu d ies in the field of econom ic journalism ), and the U niversity School of Physi cal Education (postgraduate studies in sports journalism an d advocacy).

Som e in stitu tio n s o f h ig h e r ed u c atio n in P o lan d offer tw o or even three jo u rn a lism degrees (U niversity o f W roclaw - in political science an d in philology, an d the M aria C u rie -Skłodow ska U niversity in Lublin - at th e Faculty o f H um anities, in Political Studies, an d at the U niversity’s B achelor College in Biała Podlaska), so there are at least 117 jo u rn a lism specialisa tions in P oland.5 M ainly private schools, b u t n o t only, show th e ir re so u rce fulness w h e n it com es to th e creation o f n ew specialties, especially since th e sta n d a rd offer o f jo u rn a lism (o r jo u rn a lism a n d co m m u n ic a tio n s tu d ies) is n o t as stro n g a m a g n e t for p o ten tial candidates. So to d a y jo u rn a lism p ro g ram m es have to include studies for in fo rm a tio n technologists, m ed ia m anagers, specialists in the organisation o f w o rk in film an d television, digital m ed ia specialists, c o m p u ter g ra p h ic designers, editors o f special

; Inform ation about studying journalism in Poland please visit: http://kierunkistudiow .pl/ dzi ennikarstwo_i_kom un ikacj a_sp oleczna.

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ised new sletters o r local new spapers, as well as a variety o f professionals w orking o n th e Internet.

Such an extensive range o f courses in jo u rn a lism show s h o w attra c tive w o rk in th e m ass m ed ia is today. However, th e grow ing n u m b e rs o f jo u rn a lism graduates have n o t been acco m p an ied by an increase in jobs in this profession; o n th e contrary, th e y have b een sh rin k in g , especially in trad itio n al m edia. It is estim ated th a t in th e first decade o f th is ce n tu ry th e n u m b e r o f jobs in th e press, ra d io an d television fell by over 32 p e r cent. Som e jo u rn a lism graduates go o n to w o rk for websites, advertising ag en cies an d PR-legislative in stru m e n ts, as spokespersons for co rp o rate m ag a zines, local g o v ern m en t, etc. M an y o f th em , however, en d u p w orking in jo b s th a t are in no way related to th e ir field o f study.

A free press, not-so-free journalists

Various publications claim that w ithout a free press there w ould be n o free Poland. After all, journalists supported an d continue to support the transfor m ation process. Less frequently is the public rem inded o f the high price they paid for their support. In the early years o f the 1990s, it is estim ated that som e 1,500 journalists lost their jobs. The early retirem ent o f som e journalists or the forced exit from their chosen profession was prim arily due to political, job profile, a n d /o r editorial changes as well as the liquidation of some publications.

M any “old school” jo u rn alists, including th o se w ith extensive ex p e ri ence, w ere unable to find a place in the new, m o re “technical” m ed ia reality o r th e y w ere unable to ad a p t to a n ew jo u rn alistic style, especially centred on in fo rm in g th e public. Ironically, th e ab olition o f censorship was a h in dering fa cto r in these new co n d itio n s for established journalists. In light o f n o form al censorship, an experienced jo u rn a lis t sitting side-by-side w ith a y o u n g er colleague, w hose professional experience was lim ited to w ritin g for th e opp o sitio n , was often tro u b le d co n c ern in g w h a t could o r could n o t be w ritten. At th e sam e tim e, n ew form s o f “censorship” began to fo rm (i.e., ow ners o f a given publication, political forces, th e C h u rch , etc.), n e ith e r o f w h ich fully lent them selves to freedom o f expression. Soon enough, e d i to rs began to voice a clear c o m m itm e n t to a p a rtic u la r political p a rty an d jo u rn alists n o t suited to a specific p ro g ra m h a d to resign th e ir p o sitio n or w ere relieved o f duty. In th e o p in io n o f quite a large g ro u p o f jo u rn alists, objectivity increasingly becam e o n ly a theoretical co n stru ct.

In 2000, o n ly seven p e r cent o f jo u rn alists believed th a t “p re sen t-d ay jo u rn alists always w rite an d say w hat th e y th in k ”. The re m a in d e r - 93 p e r

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cent! - believed th a t th e y “usually express th e ir ow n views, b u t w ith th e n eed to p ro m o te th e ideas o f o thers, against all o r p a rt o f th e ir ow n”.6 This raises th e q u estio n o f w h o o r w h a t restricts th e freedom o f th e press? M ost often cited are pressure by ow ners, editors-in-chief, o r statio n o r line m a n agers (42 p e r cent), in tern a l censorship (19 p e r cent), self-censorship (11 p e r cent), a n d ex ternal pressures (eight p e r cent). In a stu d y co n d u c ted 10 years later, alm o st all th o se surveyed p o in te d to sim ilar sources o f pressure an d attem p ts to influence jo u rn alists, especially co m in g fro m advertisers (businesses) an d politicians.7

N ext, jo u rn a list salaries becam e a serious p roblem . W h e n th e Collective A g reem en t o f Journalists expired - n egotiated d u rin g c o m m u n ist tim es - a free m ark e t saw u n sc ru p u lo u s ow ners p hasing o u t old er sen io r jo u rn a l ists a n d exchanging th e m for novices, p artic u la rly because th e y w orked at significantly low er wages. W hile in 2000 slightly m o re th a n h a lf o f all jo u rn alists assessed th e ir financial situ atio n as g o o d o r v ery good, 10 years later, especially in areas outside o f W arsaw, jo u rn alists w ere com plaining ab o u t th e ir low er salaries.

P rin t jo u rn alists have the lowest earnings, especially in regional an d local new spapers.

The highest salaries are p aid to T V stars, w here th e ir co n tra cts prove that, outside o f a n a rro w g ro u p o f highly paid celebrities, the o v erw h elm ing m ajo rity o f jo u rn alists have a h a rd tim e m ak in g en d s m eet. P aradoxi cally - according to o p in io n polls - jo u rn alist salaries are co n sid ered to be m u ch h ig h er th a n average.

In 2000, w h e n o n ly ab o u t h a lf o f all jo u rn alists w ere jo u rn a lism g ra d u ates, th e y h a d a m u c h b etter chance o f being em ployed by a m ed ia c o m p a n y th a n today. Today th e re is an o v erp ro d u c tio n o f jo u rn alists. M edia outlets h ire o n ly th e best a n d /o r th e m o st assertive w h o lo o k to establish co n ta ct already at th e sta rt o f th e ir studies. In 2000, over 42 p e r cen t o f jo u rn alists evaluated th e usefulness o f studying jo u rn a lism as eith er u se ful o r v ery useful,8 w hile ju st over 20 p e r cen t co n sid ered it o f low utility. Surveys co n d u c te d 10 years later find the m o st c o m m o n o p in io n to be that v ery few are able to w o rk in th e ir profession, even after university studies.9

6 Z. Bajka, Dziennikarze łat dziewięćdziesiątych, „Zeszyty Prasoznawcze" 2000, No. 3-4, 7 The study was carried out in M ay 2010 by the Institute o f Public Affairs in cooperation witli

Millward Brown SMG / KRC, as part o f the project „Responsible journalism ”. See: Kto pil

nuje strażników? Odpowiedzialne dziennikarstwo w demokratycznej Polsce, ed. J. Kuchar

czyk, W arsaw 2011.

a Z, Bajka, Dziennikarze lat dziewięćdziesiątych, op. cif.

9 A. Niżyńska, J. Osiecki, Sam i o sobie: kondycja i zagrożenia odpowiedzialnego dziennikar

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Journalism - a profession in the public trust

D espite sh o rtco m in g s in professionalism a n d staff turnover, Poles judge jo u rn alists quite positively in term s o f reliably p erfo rm in g th eir profession. In a stu d y c o n d u c ted by CBOS in M arch 2006, in a ra n k in g o f professional h o n e sty an d integrity, jo u rn alists w ere ra n k e d fo u rth based o n com b in ed “v ery high” an d “ra th e r high” scores (49 p e r cent). They w ere p re ced e d by scientists (68 p e r cent), nu rse s (60 p e r cent), an d teachers (50 p e r cent). Lowest o n th is list w ere politicians (7 p e r cent). D o c to rs a n d priests w ere ra n k ed below journalists.

The E u ro p e an T rusted B rands Survey (2007),10 initiated an d o rganised by R eaders Digest an d ca rried o u t across 15 E u ro p ean countries, m ea su red E u ro p e an confidence in 20 selected professional groups, su ch as civil a ir craft pilots, police officers, politicians, teachers a n d journalists. This survey fo u n d th a t Poles - m o re th a n in any o th e r n atio n surveyed - tru s t jo u rn a l ists. This g ro u p o f professional is tru ste d by 52 p e r cent o f Poles, w hile the E u ro p e an average was only 29 p e r cent.

Also, a c o m p a riso n stu d y o f jo u rn alists in P oland an d th e U n ited States falls clearly in favour o f the form er, w here 49 p er cent o f Poles rate the reliability an d integ rity o f th e ir ow n jo u rn alists as “v ery high” o r “high”, co m p ared to only 28 p e r cent o f US p o p u la tio n .11

Finally, in ail earlier cited piece o f research carried o u t in c o o p e ratio n betw een th e In stitu te o f P ublic Affairs an d M illw ard B row n SM G /K R C in M ay 2010, u p to 74 p e r cent o f Poles considered jo u rn alists to be tru s tw o r thy. H ighest ra n k ed (91 p e r cent) w ere scientists, followed by teachers an d doctors; lawyers w ere ra n k e d sim ilarly to jo u rn alists, w hile clergy, b u si nessm en, and, m o st especially, politicians w ere ran k ed lowest.

The latter stu d y also very clearly show s th a t the m ajority o f Poles eval uated journalists throu gh the p rism o f radio and television. O n ly 35 p e r cent o f resp o n d en ts co nsidered so m eo n e w h o w rites for a new spaper, m agazine, o r In te rn e t site to be a jo u rn alist, w hile th e vast m ajo rity (55 p e r cent) perceive a jo u rn alist to be so m eo n e w h o co n d u c ts interview s an d d iscussions o n the television or radio, a T V o r rad io re p o rte r (50 p e r cent), o r a T V o r ra d io p re sen ter (47 p e r cent). S om eone w h o publishes only on lin e was co nsidered a jo u rn a list by o n ly th re e p e r cent o f re sp o n d e n ts.12

10 See: media2.p1/media/21979-Polacy-ufaja-dziennikarzom,htm.

11 Research on „public confidence com petition” (M arch to M ay 2007. w ith the participation o f 16.481 respondents in 17 countries in Europe and the U.S.; the information on the w e bsite: http: //www.mypola cy. de/aktua hiosci.'niemcy/wysokie-zaufanie- do-lekarzy-mskie- -do-politykow.html.

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Journalists about themselves - why they chose this

profession

1. Reasons for ch o o sin g the journ alism profession

O ver th e p ast 30 years, th e reasons for jo in in g this profession have changed co n sid erab ly A clear difference can be ob serv ed in jo u rn a list a t titu d e s d u rin g c o m m u n ist tim es, at th e b eg in n in g o f th e tra n sitio n p eriod, an d 10 years later.

Reasons for ch oosin g the journ alism p rofession 13 (per cent o f re sp onses), for the years 1 9 7 9 ,1 9 9 0 , and 2000, respectively.

1. The o p p o rtu n ity to get to k n o w interesting people, n ew places an d events: 17%, 43%, 56%.

2. This is a profession in w h ich one learns all th e tim e: 36%, 33%, 43%. 3. It is a concrete, d y n am ic profession, p ro d u c in g tangible results: 25%,

36%, 33%.

4. Ability' to influence awareness, attitudes, and opinions: 26%, 25%, 29%. 5. B eing aw are o f c u rre n t events (in m y city, the country, th e w orld)

21%, 19%, 27%.

6. O p p o rtu n ity to tell o th e rs ab o u t interesting events a n d people: 16%, 9%, 25%.

7. The chance to level criticism against different shortcom ings: 31%, 15%, 23%.

8. H ie o p p o rtu n ity to help others: 33%, 26%, 21%.

9. H ie o p p o rtu n ity to express one’s opinion: 21%, 12%, 21%. 10. H igh social prestige: 9%, 10%, 16%.

11. H ie o p p o rtu n ity to sp eak on th eir o w n b e h a lf to the general public: 17%, 18%, 11%.

12. H ie ability to pass o n th eir know ledge to others: 8%, 6%, 7%. 13. O th e r reasons (vocation, w o rk in an h o n e st profession, th e ability to

access oth erw ise inaccessible areas), as o f 2000: 14%. R easons m ore often n am ed in 2000 than 10 or 20 years ago:

• H ie possibility to get to k n o w interesting people, n ew places, an d things,

• Educational value o f the profession,

• Being aw are o f w h a t is going o n in th e w orld, at a n atio n al an d local level,

13 Z. Bajka, Dziennikarze lat dziewięćdziesiątych, op. cit.; Z. Bajka, Dziennikarze (1981-1990), [in:]

The Polish Media System: 1989-2011