Witchcraft, Medicine and Society in Early Modern Europe

D O N A T E L L A L IPP I

Witchcraft, Medicine and Society in Early Modern Europe

Czarownice, medycyna i społeczeństwo we wczesnośredniowiecznej Europie

Professor o f history o f medicine, U niversity o f Florence

Summary

W itch-hunts supported b y the Rom an Catholic Inquisi­

tion began in the Late M iddle Ages. In 1487, the notorious M alleus M aleficarum w as published, inaugurating the period o f witch-hunts in E arly M odern Europe which w ould last for the follow ing two centuries. The witch trials in Early M odern Europe becam e a m ajor issue in the 17th century: persuasion and some torture was used to make people confess to a covenant with the Devil. D if­

ferent m ethods were used in the exam inations: archive records provide a rich amount o f them. In this article, the Authors provide a short introduction about witchcraft, focusing on the situation in N orthern Italy during the period o f 16th- 1 7 th century, using original sources and archive records1.

Keywords: H istory o f witchcraft, history o f witch-hunts, witchcraft’s investigations

Introduction

Questioned w hether she heals sick persons, answered yes Sir.

Questioned with what kind o f medicines, answered by picking betony up and washing it like salad and crush­

ing it into a m ortar to get its juice and to give it to her patients for 3, 4 and 5 days, telling them that the more they drun k it, the better it was [1].

1 List o f abbreviations: A SM State Archive o f Modena; B folder;

bb file; c page; cc. nn unnum bered pages.

Streszczenie

Polow ania na czarownice w spierane przez Inkwizycję Kościoła Katolickiego rozpoczęły się w późnym średnio­

wieczu. W 1487 roku został opublikowany słynny traktat pt. M ło t na czarownice (M alleus M aleficarum ) rozpo­

czynający okres polowań na czarownice w nowożytnej Europie, który trw ał przez kolejne dwieście lat. W X V II wieku procesy czarownic nabrały wyjątkowego znacze­

nia, kied y to w ykorzystyw an o różne form y persw azji oraz tortur do w ym uszania zeznań potw ierdzających związki czarownic z diabłem. W śledztwach stosowano różne metody, czego dowodzą zachowane archiwalne ra­

porty. W artykule autorzy skupiają się na sytuacji w p ó ł­

nocnych W łoszech w X V I i X V II wieku, w ykorzystując oryginalne źródła i m ateriały archiwalne.

Słowa kluczowe: historia czarownic, historia polowań na czarownice, śledztwa przeciwko czarownicom

W ith these words the healer Gostanza da Libbiano, tried for witchcraft in 1594, highlighted the special con­

nection between wom en and medicine, which, though deeply rooted in the Indo-European culture and dating back to thousands o f years ago, represents a cultural con­

tinuum that reaches up to m odern times [2].

The deep b o n d betw een w om en and nature also em erges clearly w hen we lo o k to the cults o f M other Nature linked to fertility that were w idely spread about in the Bronze Age. Goddesses such as the pre-olym pian Gaia, considered the origin o f all the gods and goddesses,

and her sister Themis created the earth, restoring or­

der [3]. Furtherm ore, deities like Dem etra, Athena, the Egyptian Isis and the Assyrian Ishtar had roles connected with fertility, with the abundance o f the harvest and with hum an reproduction. In ancient Greece H ippocrates acknowledged the im portance o f popular m edicine and the efficacy o f the remedies used by herbalists such as, for instance, Artem isia, the queen o f C aria, praised also by Strabone and Teofrasto. Nevertheless, com m on wom en could only rarely deal with medicine and it wasn’t as easy for them as it was for queens: in the Athens o f the fourth century A.D. wom en accused o f practicing abortion and o f teaching birth control methods were banished from society [4].

Things went better in Rom e, where Sorano from Ef- eso, a physician o f G reek origins, wrote a book about ob­

stetrics and gynecology for midwives, believing that they should had a thorough knowledge o f anatomy. Moreover, the w orks o f A spasia, a female gynecologist, were quite often quoted in the encyclopedia written by Ezio from A m ida, a physician at the Byzantine court during the sixth century [5].

In the M iddle Ages, wom en’s medicine was fully le­

gitimized thanks to the M edical School o f Salerno, where wom en could study and practice m edicine, especially in the fields o f obstetrics and gynecology. Figures such as Trotula and Francesca Rom ano were active in the city and were esteem ed and respected b y the population.

With the downfall o f the School in the thirteenth century, the first wom en doctors disappeared: m ost universities now tended to exclude them, letting wom en deal with m edicine only as m idwives [6].

Folk Medicine

That m edical tradition, passed down to w om en since antiquity b y the herbalists, ended up being considered a subculture in official m edical circles and therefore su­

sceptible to control and suppression. O n the other hand the com ing o f the Scholastica philosophy and the em er­

gence o f the universities changed the nature o f scien­

tific research, turning m edicine into a profession that required a form al and w ell-defined education. In spite o f the decline o f Salerno in favor o f universities such as those at Padua and Bologna, the m ost educated w om en were able to continue taking care o f the sick, w orking w ith their fathers or husbands, w ho taught them the principles o f anatom y and pharm aceuticals. A s a result, a sort o f wom en’s m edical hierarchy developed, having at the top wom en o f excellent culture and education who practiced among the first families in their cities. W omen o f low social condition instead, operated under the ge­

neral b elief in the healing pow er o f m agic and worked

for the poorest families, despite being often suspected o f w itchcraft [7]. The fact that fem ale healers w orked with life-saving tools surrounded them with a superna­

tural aura. Both m idwives and healers induced respect in people, but at the same time, fear. G oin g b y the b elief that know ing how to cure also m eant know ing how to kill, if the cure didn’t work, healers were often accused o f having cast a spell on the patients, using a maleficium [8]. I f medicine, including the popular variety, aim ed at healing people then witchcraft was intended to do them harm , as confirm ed b y the words “Quelli che li sanno conzare li sano anco guastare” — who knows how to heal also knows how to damage — stated b y A ndrea Salvioli, a w itness in the trial against M aria M ariani, a healer from M odena [9].

O n the other hand disease had an obscure etiology and being able to trace its causes led wom en onto treach­

erous ground: having to do with infection, blood, nails, hair and other elements considered impure brought the healers to play an am biguous and suspicious role [10].

The difference between them and physicians was the specific kind o f tasks assigned to doctors: physicians, w ho rarely touched impurities and who regularly gradu­

ated from the university, were believed to be able to make the pain cease, whereas the healer, due to the fact that she actually touched her patients, was able both to make pain cease and to cause it [11].

The “ ladies o f the herbs”, though lacking a un iver­

sity education, w ere not ign oran t o f the subject but had a deep know ledge o f herbs w ith healin g pow ers [12]. They kn ew the best tim e to gather herbs such as St John’s w ort, betony, sage, the herb o f grace, fennel and ferns, w hen they were richer w ith active principles, and w ou ld gather them on specific days o f the year such as the night o f June 24th, considered m agic and particu larly favorable. These plants were often cooked alone or m ixed with flour, boiled in w ine or left soaking in oil to obtain a decoction and salves to be adm in is­

tered to patients [13]. These w ere rem edies w ith real anti-inflam m atory, disinfectant, expectorant and fever- reducing properties, and were used in conjunction with instrum ents such as candles, m agnets, m in erals and m etals [14]. C aterina Borgognona, a w om an physician from M odena, m ixed butter w ith crushed herbs and then with this m ix w ould grease the lim bs o f an invalid child, just as D iam ante A scari left som e sage and herb o f grace soaking in oil o f w alnut to m ake an salve out o f it [15].

Healers referred to the principles o f analogy and con­

tact: in the first case, it was believed that sim ilar pro ­ duced or rem oved similar, that for instance red stones caused or stopped hem orrages or that m agnets drew

diseases out o f the body; as to contact, they believed an element put in touch with a person m aintained a con­

nection to him or her [16].

These two principles along w ith the know ledge o f curing herbs, that had a fundam ental value in prim itive psychology are still present in the m edical practice o f all cultures, were passed on to wom en by other wom en, received from their own mothers or older experienced healers.

Northern Italy

It is interesting to note how in Italy, in areas near Ferrara, M antua and M odena, there em erged and spread a b elief in D om ina L u d i, a mythical female figure who, dressed in black clothes, would teach the healing powers o f herbs and shrubs to her followers gathered in clearings in the w oods [17]. It’s a myth adscribable to sham anic beliefs o f Celtic origin that were already evident in Europe from the eighth century on. The presence in northern Italy o f cults o f a sham anic kind linked to goddesses dispensing well-being and wealth led to the creation and entrench­

ment o f certain odd beliefs [18].

In trials concerning evil spells that occurred at the end o f the fourteenth century in Lom bardy, the two de­

fendants, Sibillia and Pierina, claim ed to have joined meetings in the w oods by flying there, where a certain M adonna H oriente showed them m agic practices and the healing virtues o f plants [19].

Som e centuries later, in 1518, during the trial in which she was accused o f casting an evil spell, the healer from M odena, G iovann a M un arina, claim ed she had been initiated along w ith other girls into m agic healing by a w om an who, standing in her vegetable garden, ex­

plained how to get benefits from the various plants and shrubs [20].

In the Em ilia region o f Italy the significance o f these m yths connected to the m agic o f plants explains the particular role o f these healers in the urban context o f the time, evidence o f a strong integration into society:

in Ferrara, for instance, a city rich with vegetable and flower gardens, healers enjoyed such a reputation that in the first years o f the sixteenth century the physician o f the Este court, Giovanni M ichele Savonarola, in order to write a book on the healing properties o f plants, claimed he had more than once consulted with them and sought their advice [21].

Even more unusual was the situation in M odena where, at the dawn o f m odern times, city streets and squares swarmed with healers o f both genders who, meeting at spice shops, habitually exchanged recipes and advice.

Priests, spice dealers and some physicians too, took part in these crowded gatherings, to such an extent that some

speak o f an actual interdisciplinary professional network centered around the res herbaria [22].

It is not b y chance that Giulia from Bologna, a healer tried for witchcraft in 1518, claim ed she had often asked a spice dealer for a specific herb to cure a child and o f having been introduced to m edicine b y a “colleague”

from Bologna, later burnt alive. Beatrice from Vicenza during her trial stated she had consulted m any tim es with Anastasia, “la Frappona”, a famous healer, as to some m edical substances [23].

The people o f M odena themselves, even those o f high social status, often turned tru stfu lly to healers, even those without a license: at the beginning o f the century, Cam illa from N irano cast spells for Violante Carandini, who came from one o f the noblest families o f the city, one w hich some years later asked for the help o f the healer and enchantress, Barbara Carretta [24].

Indeed if com pared w ith situations in w hich the hum ble fam ilies were often those asking for help from the “ ladies o f the herbs”, the cases o f Ferrara and espe­

cially M odena represent anom alies, so much so that it is possible to speak in these cities o f witchcraft’s social normality.

Beyond fantasy and beliefs, these peculiar m edical skills, passed on to them by relatives or others, became so com m on am ong wom en in part because they repre­

sented one o f the few m eans o f survival. M any dedicated themselves to therapeutic m agic because they were w id ­ ows or alone or reduced to poverty.

W ithout the support a husband or a fam ily could provide, these wom en devoted themselves to the healing o f others, putting into practice what they had learned and starting to practice as healers or m idwives, often both.

I f w orking as healers in the city was m ore com pli­

cated, it was easier to do so in the country since the scarce presence o f physicians led people to turn to a healer more often [25].

Though without a license, these w om en had a funda­

m ental role in the society o f the period, which turned to them despite the fact that they were feared. It w as hard to face disease without sum m oning the local healer and unthinkable to give birth w ithout the help o f a “wise wom an”, w ho was an expert in gyn ecology even though she w as suspected o f m essing around w ith the devil.

Therefore these w om en were involved in crucial m o­

ments o f life such as birth, sickness and death. They of­

fered diagnoses, prepared m edicines and assisted births b y w hispering propitiatory prayers after having lit white candles. O bviously in the case o f diseases difficult to di­

agnose and cure the death o f the patient w as inevitable, with the result that the healer was then often accused o f witchcraft.

The trust they had inspired notwithstanding, in a few days the healers found themselves before the inquisitors, becom ing the scapegoat for the suffering, anxiety and frustration deriving from situations difficult to bear, such as the loss o f a relative, especially that o f a child. At that point, the witnesses started to trace back past failures o f the healers, the diseases they hadn’t been able to cure, the babies w ho died during labor, the medicines that proved useless. Episodes dating back ten or even twelve years were brought up, w holly forgetting the socially necessary role the healer had filled. In such cases we can speak o f a “breaking point”, m eaning that the healers could peace­

fully live in their society until a negative event brought upon their heads all sorts o f accusations [26].

In the 1599 trial against the wom an o f M odena, M aria da Trignano, the inform er reported an episode that had occurred seven years before, just as in the trial against G iu lia from B ologn a one o f the w itnesses stated that the defendant had been dealing in m agic for some ten years [27].

In addition to healers, m idwives too often deemed responsible for the death o f new born babies, fell into the m ost suspected categories. Until the eighteenth century birth w as an event men were com pletely excluded from:

physicians did not pay much attention to gynecology and pregnant wom en preferred to be helped by female healers during labor. In m any cases in addition to the midwife other wom en from the com m unity joined in to help.

Studies dealing with the iconography o f birth have noted how paintings on The Nativity o f the Virgin are very

“crowded”. In addition to the midwife, often represented in the act o f assisting the m other or giving directions to the servants and wet-nurses, there are also other wom en depicted while preparing food or the bath and the swad­

dling clothes for the baby. It’s interesting to realize that in these paintings there is no male figure present at all in the room where labor and birth take place [28].

The upcom in g birth o f a baby w as a fundam ental m om ent for the whole com m unity and one o f intense em otions: on one hand it meant the fulfilling o f every wom an’s duty, on the other, it meant in some cases coping with the death o f the baby or the m other or both [29].

The lack o f antibiotics and necessary antiseptic m ea­

sures led to the death o f one wom an out o f ten, whereas one baby out o f three didn’t reach his year-old birthday.

In this situation the parents, m oved b y an em otional need, transferred their feelings o f guilt onto the midwife, w ho was accused o f witchcraft or o f having killed the baby in order to offer it to the devil, often together with the placenta and the um bilical cord [30].

The mothers, who guiltily felt they hadn’t been able to give birth to healthy babies, were often the first to ac­

cuse midwives, though sometimes the accusations could come from outside: especially in countries affected b y the Reform ation, the excessive attention towards illegitimate birth s led judges to m eticulously study every case o f infant m ortality as a possible infanticide. They believed there was a concrete risk that m other and m idwife could be in cahoots to kill an unwanted new born baby [31].

A study o f literature about m idwives has suggested further possible interpretations: am ong these, the psy­

choanalytical one underlines how the accusations came from w om en w ho were envious o f m idw ives, b y now post-m enopausal, w ho were about to take care o f their own children [32].

These are statements to be considered very cautiously since they have often not been fully and carefully docu­

mented, whereas the hypothesis that shows, in witchcraft treatises o f the period, how a lin k was form ed between m idw ifery and evil spells is strongly grounded. The fa­

m ous M alleus M aleficarum , w ritten at the end o f the fifteenth century by two G erm an D om inican inquisitors Jakob K raem er and H einrich Sprenger, focuses in m any places on the subject, actually affirm ing that «nobody dam ages the C ath olic faith m ore than m idw ives», in reference to those crim es m idwives were often accused o f com m itting [33].

It is not b y chance that during the witch hunt that set Cologne on fire in 1627-30 , seven out o f twelve o f the ac­

cused were involved in births. Again in Germany, in 1587, there was the case o f W alpurga Hausm annin, a m idwife suspected o f the death o f 40 babies, sim ilar to the first episode o f witchcraft to occur in N ew England before the w ell-know n Salem witch trial o f 1692, involving the midwife, A nne Hutchinson, banned from Massachussets in 1630 [34].

Sim ilar situations occurred a bit everyw here. The story, quoted at the beginning, o f Gostanza da Libbiano, a fam ous healer and m idwife, was also representative.

M uch sought after for her exceptional therapeutic and m agic powers b y nobles and peasants, Gostanza was ac­

tually transported in a carriage while traveling through­

out Tuscany. Her reputation was tarnished when she was accused o f the inexplicable death o f certain babies and o f practicing “m edicine” [35].

Indeed suspicions o f infanticide played an im portant part in this case, but the attention o f judges directed to­

w ards m idwives was especially motivated by the matter o f baptism , a fundam ental rite for every Christian. In the case o f difficult births or in em ergency situations, m id­

w ives w ould baptize the babies, but without following any canonical ritual. A s only in the eighteenth century did m idw ives start to be trained in the correct rite o f Christening, they often gave rise to frequent accusations

o f superstitio, that is abusing the sacraments for thera­

peutic purposes. A significant example is the case o f the healer, M aria di Baccio, w ho in 1586 was ordered b y the bishop o f Grosseto, Claudio Borghesi, to stop assisting births since she did not know the correct form ula for baptism [36]. I f on one hand mothers m ight fear these wom en were casting an evil spell in order to later offer their babies’ bodies to the devil, on the other hand in­

quisitors accused them o f using prayers not recognized b y the church [37].

Before legislation o f the seventeen hundreds estab­

lished specific courses for the would-be midwives, those who decided to prepare for the job were trained by a more experienced midwife, who was often the young wom an’s mother. It was alm ost exclusively practical training since m ost o f the m idwives were illiterate, and it led the young trainees to assist and help their older colleagues during labor [38].

M idwives made sure they verified the degree o f cervi­

cal dilation and that the fetal position was correct, then lubricated the genitals w ith oil to facilitate the birth.

Once the baby was born, they freed its respiratory tract o f mucus, washed it and swaddled it. O nly in dire straits, such as breech deliveries, w ould they sum m on a coll­

eague for a consultation or turn to a surgeon for a v-cut or to dissect the cranium o f the fetus [39].

The presence o f obstetric physicians du ring labor is attested to starting in the middle o f the seventeenth century, but only for the benefit o f English and French aristocracy. Louis X IV for instance dem anded a physi­

cian for the delivery by one o f his lovers, but in Germany, Italy, Spain and in eastern European countries they still preferred to turn to female figures [40].

The d iscrim inatin g difference betw een physicians and m idwives w as the use o f the forceps, created b y the French physician C ham berlains, in the m id-sixteenth century; it was a tool m idwives were not authorized to use, since it was considered a surgical instrum ent. Its use surely saved m other and child in m any cases, but this does not m ean m idwives could not carry through a labor with success. In fact almost ninety per cent o f the births they assisted occurred without particular prob­

lems [41].

Though lacking a university education and despite the suspicions attached to witchcraft, wom en still preferred other wom en to assist them during labor, not only b e­

cause their experience in the field was considered more trustworthy, but especially because these wom en were deem ed fundam ental m em bers o f every com m unity, a social necessity and often irreplaceable. Though lack­

ing a university education and despite the suspicions at­

tached to witchcraft, wom en still preferred other wom en

to assist them during labor, not only because their ex­

perience in the field was considered more trustworthy, but especially because these wom en were deemed funda­

m ental m em bers o f every community, a social necessity and often irreplaceable.

Conclusions

The possibility to exam ine the archive records prese­

rved in the State A rchive o f M odena was an extraordi­

n ary opportunity to highlight the particular situation o f witchcraft in a w ell-defined geographic area o f m odern Italy: responses to sorcery, in fact, are deeply different in various contexts, depending on a w ide range o f social, political and cultural aspects.

The great trust patients had for these herbalists and witchcraft’s social normality makes the cases o f towns like X V I century M odena an exception: in no other cases, healers, cunning m en and w ise w om en used to meet, to share their personal knowledge on the properties o f plants, herbs and shrubs; in no other cases, they com ­ pared their opinion on medicine and magic to the one o f spice dealers and priests, asking them for advice, too.

This particular situation is also a glaring sample o f the role wise wom en and m agic medicine had for people.

These modenese healers would have never been called by wealthy patients- the episode o f lady Violante Carandini is v e ry significant- who could afford the expense o f a real doctor, as folk m edicine was not regarded as effective as the official one.

References

1. Quoted [in:] Cardini F. (ed.), Gostanza, la strega di San Miniato, Laterza, Rome-Bari 2001, 135.

2. Alic M., Hipatias Heritage. A study o f women in Sci­

ence from Antiquity to the Nineteenth Century, Beacon Press, Boston 1986, 31-39; R. Flemming, Medicine and the Making o f Roman Women, Oxford University Press, Oxford 200, 1-33; Weber D., Sanare e maleficiare. Guaritrici, streghe e medicina a Modena nel X V I secolo, Carocci, Rome 2011, 28-30.

3. Alic M., Hipatias Heritage, 34 et seq. See Esiodo, Teogo­

nia, introduction, translation and notes by G. Arrighetti, Bur, Milan 2002, 65 et seq.

4. Ivi., 49 et seq.

5. Ivi, 52 et seq.

6. Siraisi N., Medieval and Early Renaissance Medicine:

an Introduction to Knowledge and Practice, University of Chicago Press, Chicago 1990, 13-16.

7. Alic M., Hipatias Heritage, 78 et seq.

8. Camporesi P., Le erbe del sogno e della sopravvivenza [in:] A. Biondi (ed.), Cultura popolare, 54-78; Thomas K.,

Religion and the Decline o f Magic. Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century England, Harmonds- worth, Penguin, London 1980, 502-569; Weber D., Sanare, 29, 56-58. On healers also see Burke P., Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe, Ashgate, Forham 2009.

9. Weber D., Sanare, 29.

10. Douglas M., Purity and Danger, Routledge, London 1966, passim.

11. Ibidem.

12. Biondi A., La signora delle erbe e la magia della veg- etazione,[ in:] Biondi A. (ed.), Cultura popolare, 186-203;

Camporesi P., La condizione vegetale: uomini, erbe, bestie, in Ivi, 118-135.

13. Lindemann M., Medicine and Society in Early M od­

ern Europe, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1999, 88-90.

14. Weber D., Sanare, 78 et seq.

15. A SM , Inquisizione, B. 3, bb. 28, cc. 1r-v (Caterina Borgognona); B. 10, bb. 17, c. 21 (Diamante Ascari).

16. Weber D., Sanare, 78 et seq.

17. Muraro L., La signora delgioco, La Tartaruga, Milan 2006, 204-205.

18. Ginzburg C., Storia notturna. Una decifrazione del sabba, Einaudi, Turin 1998, 65-98, 100-129.

19. Muraro L., La signora, 205.

20. ASM , Inquisizione, B.2, bb. 41, c. 1r.

21. Weber D., Sanare, 19 et seq.

22. Ivi, 23 ss.

23. ASM , Inquisizione, B. 2, bb. 22, c. 5r (Giulia da Bolo­

gna); B. 2, bb. 14, c. 4r (Beatrice da Vicenza).

24. ASM , Inquisizione, B. 3, bb. 41 cc.nn.

25. Pomata G., Laprom essa diguarigione. M alati e cu- ratori in antico regime. Bologna, secoli X V -X V III, Laterza, Rom e-B ari 1994, 249; Gentilcore D., Healers and Healing

in Early M odern Italy, Manchester University Press, M an­

chester 1998, passim; Weber D., Sanare, 15-20 , 28-34.

26. Roper L., Early Modern Germany [in:] Barry J., Hester M., Roberts G. (eds.), Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2003, 210.

27. Weber D., Sanare, 75. The trial against Giulia from Bo­

logna has been transcribed in D. Weber, Sanare, 187-207.

28. Marland H. (ed.), The A rt o f Midwifery, Routledge, London-New York 2005. On witchcraft and midwifery see Klaits J., Servants o f Satan. The Age o f the Witch Hunts, Indiana University Press, Indianapolis 1985, 94-103. On iconogra­

phy, see Giuliani V , L’iconografia della nascita a Siena dalla seconda meta del X V I al X IX secolo, [in:] Vannozzi F. (ed.), Figure femminili (e non) intorno alla nascita. La storia in Siena dellassistenza alla partoriente e al nascituro. X V II-X X secolo, Protagon Editori, Siena 2005, 359 et seq.

29. Klaits J., Servants, 94-103.

30. Ibidem.

31. Ibidem.

32. Roper L., Witchcraft, 212 et seq.

33. Kraemer J., Sprenger H., Malleus Maleficarum, I part, istance XI.

34. Roper L., Witchcraft, 212 et seq.

35. Cardini F. (ed.), Gostanza, passim.

36. Di Simplicio O., Autunno della stregoneria, Il Mulino, Bologna 2005, 155 et seq.

37. Romeo G., Inquisitori, esorcisti e streghe nell’Italia della Controriforma, Sansoni, Milan 2003, 248-249; Bonora E., La Controriforma, Laterza, Rom e-Bari 2001, 83-90 et seq.; D. Weber, Sanare, 175 et seq.

38. M. Lindemann, Medicine, 116 et seq.

39. Ibidem . 40. Ibidem . 41. Ibidem .