NR 15 (1) ROK 2016
ISSN 2081-8025 e-ISSN 2449-9722
studia prawnicze i administracyjne
W numerze między innymi / In this issue:
K. J. Gruszczynski:
The legal framework for Grekxit / Aspekty prawne wyjścia Grecji z UE
N. Malec:
Biometria w systemie bezpieczeństwa / Biometrics in the security system
M. Konarski:
Prawo i rewolucja: Rozważania jurysty o rewolucji francuskiej 1789-1794 / Law and Revolution: Jurist reflections on the French Revolution 1789-1794
# 15 (1) /2016Studia Prawnicze i Administracyjne
Czasopismo indeksowane na liście czasopism punktowanych MNiSW (7 pkt.) / Journal indexed in Ministry of Science and Higher Education Index (7 pts.)
Wydawca / Publisher: Wyższa Szkoła Menedżerska w Warszawie / Warsaw Management University
NR 15 (1) ROK 2016
ISSN 2081-8025 e-ISSN 2449-9722
studia prawnicze i administracyjne
Wyższa Szkoła Menedżerska w Warszawie
Adres Redakcji i Wydawcy:
Wyższa Szkoła Menedżerska w Warszawie
ul. Kawęczyńska 36, 03-772 Warszawa,
tel. 22 59 00 868 wsm.warszawa.p
l
wydawnictwo@mac.edu.pl
Redaktor Naczelny / Editor-in-Chief:
dr Jarosław Kostrubiec
Sekretarz Redakcji / Managing Editor:
dr Norbert Malec
Redaktorzy tematyczni / Section Editors:
prof. dr hab. Ewa Nowacka prof. dr hab. Kazimierz Piasecki
Redaktor statystyczny / Statistical Editor:
dr hab. Ewa Frątczak
Redaktorzy językowi / Language Editors:
język polski / Polish: Dorota Bruszewska, język angielski / English:
Eric Banks (native speaker), Marta Dawidziuk, język rosyjski / Rus- sian: Jadwiga Piłat, język słowacki / Slovak language: Andrea Gieciová-Èusová (native speaker).
Redaktor techniczny / Technical Editor: Wiesław Marszał Skład i łamanie / DTP: Wydawnictwo WSM.
Grafiki oraz zdjęcia zgodne z / All images in accordance with:
Okładka / Cover: Elżbieta Kąkol
Rada Naukowa / Editorial Board:
Przewodniczący / Chairman:
Prof. zw. dr hab. Alexander J. Belohlavek, Dr h.c. (USA) Członkowie / Members:
prof. PhDr. Viera Bacova, PhD., DrSc. (Słowacja / Slovakia), prof. dr hab. inż. Ján Bajtoš (Słowacja / Slovakia), prof. dr hab. Alexander J.
Belohlavek, dr h.c. (Czechy / Czech Republic), prof. dr hab. Ewgenii Bobosow (Białoruś / Belarus), prof. dr hab. Paweł Czarnecki (Polska / Poland), prof. dr Stanisław Dawidziuk (Polska / Poland), prof. ThDr.
Josef Dolista, CSc. (Czechy / Czech Republic), prof. PhDr. Rudolf Dup- kala, CSc. (Słowacja / Slovakia), prof. dr hab. Piotr Dutkiewicz (Kanada / Canada), prof. Devin Fore, PhD. (USA), prof. dr hab. Iurii Frytskyi (Ukraina / Ukraine), prof. dr Otar Gerzmava (Gruzja / Georgia), PhDr.
Marta Gluchman, PhD. (Słowacja / Slovakia), prof. Wasilij Pietrowicz Griszczenko (Federacja Rosyjska / Russia), prof. Ing. dr Renáta Hótová (Czechy / Czech Republic), prof. dr hab. Lech Jaczynowski (Polska / Poland), prof. dr hab. Bohdan Jałowiecki (Polska / Poland), prof. dr hab. Hassan Jamsheer (Irak / ), doc. PhDr. Nadežda Krajčova PhD.
(Słowacja / Slovakia), prof. MUDr. Vladimir Krčmery, PhD, DrSc., dr h.c. Mult. (Słowacja / Slovakia), dr Izabella Kust (Polska / Poland), prof.
dr Botwin Marenin (USA), JUDr. Maria Marinicova, PhD. (Słowacja / Slovakia), prof. dr hab. John McGraw (Kanada / Canada), prof. dr hab.
Nella Nyczkało (Ukraina / Ukraine), prof. dr hab. dr h.c. Hans Joachim Schneider (Niemcy / Germany), Bp prof. ThDr. PhDr. Stanislav Stolarik PhD. (Słowacja / Slovakia), prof. dr hab. Maria Szyszkowska (Polska / Poland), prof. dr hab. Peter Vojcik (Słowacja / Slovakia), prof. dr hab.
Minoru Yokoyama (Japonia / Japan).
Wszystkie nadsyłane artykuły naukowe są recenzowane. Procedura recenzowania artykułów, zapora ghostwriting oraz zasady przygot- owywania tekstów i instrukcje dla autorów znajdują się na stronie in- ternetowej czasopisma www.wsm.warszawa.pl w zakładce Wydawn- ictwo / All articles are peer reviewed. The procedure for reviewing articles, and the Guide for Authors can be found on the website of the journal
(www.kaweczynska.pl/wydawnictwo/czasopisma) Korekta artykułów zamieszczanych w czasopiśmie wykonywana jest przez Autorów periodyku / Proofreading by authors.
Drukowane w Polsce / Printed in Poland — Nakład / Circulation: 500
© Copyright by Wyższa Szkoła Menedżerska w Warszawie (Warsaw Management University)
Żaden fragment tej publikacji nie może być reprodukowany, umieszczany w systemach przechowywania informacji lub przekazywany w jakiejkolwiek formie − elektronicznej, mechanicznej, fotokopii czy innych reprodukcji – bez zgodny posiadacza praw autorskich. / All rights reserved by Warsaw Management University. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or other-
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Wersja pierwotna (referencyjna) czasopisma to wersja papierowa. / The original (reference) version of the journal is the paper version
Za publikację w „Studiach Prawniczych i Administracyjnych”
(zgodniez Wykazem czasopism naukowych MNiSW, część B), Autorzy wpisują do dorobku naukowego 7 pkt. / Authors of “Studies in Law and Administration” receive 7 points (according Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education) „Studia Prawniczei adminiStracyjne” to KWARTALNIK zzakresuprawa
i administracji zawierający artykuły, w których pracownicy naukowi przedstawiają i analizują bieżące problemy prawne i administracyjne zachodzącenie tylkow polsce, aletakżena świecie. celemperiodyku jestuczynieniez czasopismaogniwa spajającegopoglądy ugruntowane
wdoktrynieoraznowetendencjiwzakresienaukprawnychiadministracyjnych.
Redakcja „Studiów Prawniczych i Administracyjnych” ” zaprasza do współpracy Autorów, którzy chcieliby publikować swoje teksty na łamach naszego pisma. Uprzejmie informujemy, że przyjmujemy do publikacji artykuły nie dłuższe niż 20 stron znormalizowa- nego maszynopisu (1800 znaków ze spacjami na stronę), a w przypadku recenzji – niż 8 stron. Do artykułów prosimy dołączyć streszczenie w języku polskim i angielskim (wraz z angielskim tytułem artykułu) o objętości do 200 słów. Prosimy o niewprow- adzanie do manuskryptów zbędnego formatowania (np. nie należy wyrównywać tekstu spacjami czy stosować zróżnicowanych uwypukleń, wyliczeń itp.). Sugerowany format: czcionka Arial, 12 pkt., interlinia 1,5. Piśmiennictwo zawarte w artykule należy sformatować zgodnie z tzw. zapisem harwardzkim, zgodnie z którym lista publikacji istotnych dla artykułu ma być zamieszc- zona na jego końcu i ułożona w porządku alfabetyczny. Publikacje książkowe należy zapisywać:
Fijałkowska B., Madziarski E., van Tocken T.L. jr., Kamilska T. (2013). Tamizdat i jego rola w kulturze radzieckiej. Warszawa:
Wydawnictwo WSM.
Rozdziały w publikacjach zwartych należy zapisywać:
Bojan A., Figurski S. (2013). Nienowoczesność – plewić czy grabić. W.S. Białokozowicz (red.), Nasze czasy – próba syntezy.
Warszawa: Wydawnictwo WSM.
Artykuły w czasopismach należy zapisywać:
Bobrzyński T.A. (2009). Depression, stress and immunological activation. British Medical Journal 34 (4): 345-356.
Materiały elektroniczne należy zapisywać:
Zientkieicz K. Analiza porównawcza egocentryka i hipochondryka. Żart czy parodia wiedzy? Portal Naukowy “Endo”. www.endo.
polska-nauka.pl (data dostępu: 2013.07.31).
W tekście artykułu cytowaną publikację należy zaznaczyć wprowadzając odnośnik (nazwisko data publikacji: strony) lub – gdy przywołane jest nazwisko autora/nazwiska autorów w tekście – (data publikacji: strony), np.: Radzieckie władze „[…] podjęły walkę z tamizdatem na dwóch płaszczyznach: ideologicznej i materialnej” (Fijałkowski i wsp. 2013: 23). lub: Radziecka prasa, jak stwi- erdzają Fijałkowski i wspólnicy, „lżyła autorów druków bezdebitowych” (2013: 45). W przypadku przywoływanych tekstów, gdy nie ma bezpośredniego cytowania, należy jedynie podać nazwisko i rok publikacji (bądź sam rok, jeśli nazwisko autora pada w tekście głównym). W odnośnikach w tekście głównym należy w przypadku więcej niż dwóch autorów wprowadzić „i wsp.”, np. (Fijałkowski i wsp. 2013). W tekście piśmiennictwa (tj. alfabetycznie ułożonej literaturze) prosimy wymienić wszystkich autorów danej publikacja. Więcej o zasadach stylu harwardzkiego m.in. na Wikipedii (http://pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Przypisy_
harwardzkie). Uwaga, przypisy krytyczne, inaczej tzw. aparat krytyczny, prosimy w miarę możliwości zredukować do minimum i wprowadzać do głównego tekstu manuskryptu.
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Wydawnictwo Wyższej Szkoły Menedżerskiej w Warszawie ul. Kawęczyńska 36, 03-772 Warszawa
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W związku z przypadkami łamania prawa autorskiego oraz dobrego obyczaju w nauce, mając na celu dobro Czytelników, uprasza się, aby Autorzy publikacji w sposób przejrzysty, rzetelny i uczciwy prezentowali rezultaty swojej pracy, niezależne od tego, czy są jej bezpośrednimi autorami, czy też korzystali z pomocy wyspecjalizowanego podmiotu (osoby fizycznej lub prawnej).
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Autorów
Czasopismo indeksowane/ Journal indexed by: Index Copernicus International, BazEkon, BazHum
Spis treści / Contents
Krzysztof Jerzy
Gruszczynski The legal framework for Grekxit / Aspekty prawne wyjścia
Grecji z UE 3
Michał Grzeszczyk Roszczenie pracownika o zapłatę „premii uznaniowej” / Claims of the employee for payment of the so-called
“discretionary bonus” 17
Mirosław Karpiuk
Orzekanie przez wojskowe komisje lekarskie o zdolności do służby w Służbie Kontrwywiadu Wojskowego
i Służbie Wywiadu Wojskowego / Military health boards assessment on being medically fit to serve in the Military Counterintelligence Service and the Military Intelligence Service
25
Marcin Konarski Prawo i rewolucja: Rozważania jurysty o rewolucji francuskiej 1789-1794 / Law and Revolution: Jurist
reflections on the French Revolution 1789-1794 31 Norbert Malec Biometria w systemie bezpieczeństwa / Biometrics
in the security system 49
Michał Moch Otwarte zasoby publiczne w procesie cyfryzacji w Polsce – zarys problematyki / Open public data in the digitization
process – outline the issues 55
Olga Ostaszewska, Kazimierz Ostaszewski
Ochrona przestrzeni publicznej w świetle tzw. ustawy krajobrazowej / Protection of Public Space in the Light
of the Landscape Act 63
Jakub Polanowski
Sądowa kontrola decyzji z zakresu świadczeń rodzinnych w kontekście zasady sprawiedliwości / Judicial control of administrative decisions from the scope of family benefits in relation to the principle of justice
69
Spis treści – cd. / Contents – cont.
Michał Pyka
State intervention in international investment arbitration – a return to diplomatic protection? / Interwencje państw w międzynarodowym arbitrażu inwestycyjnym - powrót do opieki dyplomatycznej?
81
Marcin Rudnicki Wykonanie zastępcze w postępowaniu egzekucyjnym w administracji / Substitute performance in administrative
enforcement proceedings 87
Kamil Stępniak Prawa człowieka umierającego / Human rights of the dying 93 Roland
Szymczykiewicz
Skarga na wyrok sądu odwoławczego jako nowy środek odwoławczy w polskiej procedurze karnej / Complaint to the judgement of the appelate court as a new revocation form in polish penal procedure
99
Rafał Bernat
GLOSA do wyroku Wojewódzkiego Sądu
Administracyjnego w Warszawie z dnia 9 grudnia 2015 r., VIII SA/Wa 178/15 Przekazanie pieniędzy członkom
rodziny na gruncie podatku od czynności cywilnoprawnych / GLOSS to the Provincial Administrative Court in Warsaw verdict from 9th December 2015, signature VIII SA/Wa 178/15 Classification of the money form for family members in view of the tax on civil law transactions
109
Adam Sobota
Glosa do wyroku Sądu Okręgowego we Wrocławiu z dnia 27 sierpnia 2015 r. (VII PA 207/15) / Gloss on the judgement of the Regional Court in Wrocław dated 27.08.2015 (VII PA 207/15)
115 Zasady recenzowania artykułów / The peer-review policies 123
Studia Prawnicze i Administracyjne 15 (1) 2016 ISSN 2081-8025 e-ISSN 2449-9722
Krzysztof Jerzy Gruszczynski
Wyższa Szkoła Menedżerska w Warszawie
The legal framework for Grekxit /
Aspekty prawne wyjścia Grecji z UE
str. 3-15
A
bstrActThe paper analyzes the prospect of Greece exit known as
“Grexit” from EU, whereas the Treaties have a specific legal re- gime on withdrawing – Article 50 TEU which was added to the Treaties by the Treaty of Lisbon1. It confirms the possibility to leave the EU that many (but not all) legal observers believed existed beforehand. No fully-fledged Member State has in fact left the EU before or after the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, although some parts of Member States have done so.
Before the Treaty of Lisbon, this was accomplished by means of Treaty amendment.
One of the important question is whether would it be possi- ble for Greece to withdrawa notification to leave the EU? Such decision might be interpreted as a warning signal from Greece to other EU institution not to allow politics to prevail over their technical objectives. The departure might also destroy the credibility and effectiveness of the EU system. It indicates that a member state has been unable to express its needs ade- quately in the organization. In this situation, withdrawal serves as a last resort of Greek government and developing nations.
It might be argued that since a notification to withdraw is subject to a Member State’s constitutional requirements, the Lisbon Treaty therefore leaves to each Member State the possibility of rescinding that notification in accordance with those requirements. But on the other hand, it could also be easily argued that Article 50 only provides for two possibilities to delay the withdrawal of a Member State from the EU once notification has been given (an extension of the time limit, or a different date in the withdrawal agreement), therefore the notification of withdrawal can’t be rescinded. It is argued that there exists no unlimited right of an EU Member State to with- draw from the Union, i.e. without any further prerequisites and simply at the free discretion of the respective Member State, within the confines of its internal (constitutional) law provi- sions. Instead, the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties does not provide for such a virtually unlimited withdrawal right, but rather sets forth strict limitations for the exercise of a withdrawal right.
In the article it will be raised an argument that other Member States and the EU institutions are arguably legally obliged to refuse debt relief for Greece, in accordance with the Treaties’
no bail-out rule: as the CJEU said in Pringle2, this rule allows Member States to loan money to Greece in return for condi- tions and an appropriate rate of interest. But they cannot sim- 1 An amendment just to remove Greenland was ratified in the
1980s, and Algeria’s independence from France was recogni- zed as part of Treaty amendments in the 1990s.
2 Case C370/12 JUDGMENT OF THE COURT (Full Court) 27 No- vember 2012.
s
treszczenieNowy art. 50 traktatu z Lizbony po raz pierwszy stanowi, że każde państwo członkowskie, w tym ewentualny Grexit czy też Brexit, może, zgodnie ze swoimi wymogami konstytucyj- nymi, podjąć decyzję o wystąpieniu z Unii. Przy czym, traktat przestaje wiązać państwo po dwóch latach od złożenia takie- go oświadczenia, chyba że Unia i dane państwo w umowie określą jakiś inny termin. Wyjście Grecji ze strefy euro niewąt- pliwie doprowadzi do osłabienia euro. „W krótkiej perspekty- wie zobaczymy spadek wartości wspólnej waluty europejskiej.
Natomiast w perspektywie bardziej odległej euro mogłoby zy- skać na wyjściu Grecji z unii walutowej, jednakże opuszczenie unii walutowej przez jednego z jej członków nie doprowadzi do rozpadu całej strefy walutowej ale spowodowałoby ban- kructwo Grecji. Niniejszy artykuł dokonuje analizy wystąpie- nia Grecji przed wejściem w życie TL oraz opis nowego stanu prawnego, łącznie z problematyką dotyczącą klauzuli wystą- pienia. Następnym państwem członkowskim mogącym wy- stąpić z Unii jest Wielka Brytania, a skutków takiego wyjścia nie można obecnie ocenić. Grexit mógłby polegć na wprowa- dzeniu drugiej elektronicznej waluty, czyli istniejącej tylko wir- tualnie, niedrukowanej. Miałaby mniejszą wartości niż euro, co stymulowałoby odzyskanie konkurencyjności przez kraj. Eko- nomista uważa, że grecki bank centralny musiałby zaprzestać emisji banknotów euro i zablokować przepływ tej waluty za granicę. Po trzech latach można by było spodziewać się wzro- stu gospodarki Grecji.
słowA kluczowe: trAktAtz lizbony, umowAmiędzynArodowA, uniA europejskA, wystąpienie z orgAnizAcji międzynArodowej, strefA euro.
(…) Leaving the club altogether, as a few advocate, is legally possible – we have an ‘exit clause’ – but it’s not a matter of just walking out. It would be legally and po- litically a most complicated and unpractical affair. Just think of a divorce after forty years of marriage (…) Le- aving is an act of free will, and perfectly legitimate, but it doesn’t come for free.
The President of the European Council, Herman van Rompuy in a speech on 28 February 2013 of the com- plexities of leaving the EU
There’s no reference in the EU Treaties to any power of a Member State to leave EMU once it joins, or of the EU institutions to remove that Member State from EMU, whether it agrees to that or not. A Member State can only leave EMU by leaving the EU, but there’s no Treaty power to throw a Member State out of the EU, or to suggest that Grexit1 might ever be under the obligation to leave. In mid-May 2012, the financial crisis in Greece and the im- possibility of forming a new government after elections led to strong speculation that Greece would leave the eu- rozone shortly. This phenomenon had already become known as “Grexit” and started to govern international market behaviour. Economists have expressed concern that the phenomenon may well become a self-fulfilling prophecy2. On February 9th 2015, UK Prime Minister David Cameron chaired a meeting to discuss any pos- sible ramifications in the event of an exit. During the meeting of the G-20 finance ministers in Istanbul 2015
1 The Grexit term was introduced by Citigroup’s Chief Analysts Wil- lem H. Buiter and Ebrahim Rahbari on 6 February 2012.
2 Economists who favour this radical approach to solve the Greek debt crisis typically argue that a default is unavoidable for Greece in the long term, and that a delay in organizing an orderly default (by lending Greece more money throughout a few more years), would just wind up hurting EU lenders and neighbouring Europe- an countries even more.
ministers came to conclusion that a Greek exit from the euro would be very difficult for the world economy and potentially very damaging for the European economy.
In the past we observed the case of Greenland which withdrew from the then European Community (EC) in 1985 after gaining a high level of internal autonomy from Denmark in 1979. The Greenland electorate vot- ed on 23 February 1982 on whether to stay in the EC, deciding by 52% to 48% against continued member- ship (turnout 75%). There were not easy negotiations between the Greenland Government and the Danish Government, and the Danish Government and the Eu- ropean Commission, particularly with regard to fisher- ies. The Council of Ministers adopted a Decision on the terms of Greenland’s withdrawal on 20 February 1984, and Greenland finally withdrew from the EEC on 1 Feb- ruary 1985. Greenland became associated with the EU as an Overseas Country and Territory (OCT) through the Greenland Treaty. The Treaty base for Greenland’s withdrawal was former Article 236 of the Treaty of Rome (now Article 48 TEU), which provided for amendments to the EC Treaties and entry into force following ratifi- cation by all Member States “in accordance with their respective constitutional requirements”. The special sta- tus and commercial agreements linked to Greenland’s withdrawal were agreed in protocols to the amendment treaty, and various legal instruments were agreed by all the Member States. Greenland continued to receive EU funding after withdrawal and had tariff-free access to the Community market for fisheries products in return for satisfactory EC access to Greenland waters for the duration of the fisheries agreement. 25 Article 198-204 TFEU, Association of the Overseas Countries and Terri- tories, apply to Greenland, subject to provisions set out
ply assume responsibility for Greek government debts. Forgiv- ing those debts would have the de facto result of assuming them – although it might be possibly argued that the letter (but surely not the spirit) of EMU law would allow this as long as the Greek debts were not formally transferred to the EU in- stitutions or Member States3.
It must be mention the option that the EU Treaties could be amended to try to regulate the present situation, if neces- sary with some degree of retroactivity such as a new general power for the Eurozone member states in the Council and/or the European Council to adopt measures to address the legal consequences of Greece departing EMU. To some degree it is possible that the Treaty amendment process would fail due to issues related to Greece.
keywords: withdrAwAlfromthe europeAn union, Accessionne-
gotiAtion
3 By this same token it might also be argued that a Greek de- fault on such debt would be a situation of force majeure, which could be accepted by creditors without this amounting to a breach of the no bail-out rule.
5 K. J. Gruszczynski: The legal framework for Grekxit
in Protocol No. 34 annexed to the TFEU on special ar- rangements for Greenland fisheries.
Article 2 of the Protocol attached to the Greenland Treaty clarified that there would be a transitional period during which Greenlanders, non-national residents and busi- nesses with acquired rights under EU law would retain these rights3. The EU Treaties did not provide for with- drawal from the Euro. In addition, the basic conditions for EU membership outlined in the 1993 “Copenhagen criteria” include the ability to take on the obligations of membership, including the adoption of the acquis com- munautaire and “the aims of political, economic and monetary union” – in the case of the latter, subject to prior adherence to the necessary convergence criteria.1 There appears to be little doubt that the Member States’
intention was for EMU to be irreversible and irrevocable.
The Treaty Establishing the European Communities in 2006, as it stood after the Nice Treaty changes but before the Lisbon Treaty ones, provided for the irreversibili- ty and the irrevocability of the move to Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), much as originally provided in the 1992 Treaty on European Union (Maastricht Treaty).
negotiated withdrawal from the EU would not be legal- ly impossible even prior to the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty, and that unilateral withdrawal would undoubted- ly be legally controversial; that, while permissible, a re- cently enacted exit clause is, prima facie, not in harmony with the rationale of the European unification project and is otherwise problematic, mainly from a legal per- spective; that a Member State’s exit from EMU, without a parallel withdrawal from the EU, would be legally in- conceivable; and that, while perhaps feasible through in- direct means, a Member State’s expulsion from the EU or EMU, would be legally next to impossible.
The Lisbon Treaty repealed the EMU Protocol and Arti- cles on EMU were amended to remove the timetable for the move to stage three of EMU, but the irrevocability of the adoption of the euro was specified in the follow- ing Articles of the amended Consolidated versions of the Treaty on European Union and the Treaty on the Func- tioning of the European Union if Greece wanted to leave the Euro it would have to leave the EU first. 4
3 The Commission shall make proposals to the Council, which shall act by a qualified majority, for the transitional measures which it considers necessary, by reason of the entry into force of the new arrangements, with regard to the maintenance of rights acquired by natural or legal persons during the period when Greenland was part of the Community and the regularization of the situation with regard to financial assistance granted by the Community to Greenland during that period.
4 “Leaving is straightforward: it involves a member state notifying the European Council – that is, the leaders of EU countries – that
While Article 50 does provide for a Member State to leave the Union, the negotiations for withdrawal and the framework for its future relationship with the EU could be complicated and therefore take some time to agree.
Even if there is the political will for a fast track approach to applying Article 50 – which is quite possible – negoti- ating withdrawal would not be easy or swift. It may have become commonplace to discuss a Grexit the practical- ities and implications of such a decision are far more complicated and daunting than many outside observers tend to acknowledge.
It’s not even clear Greece can leave the common curren- cy. The EU’s Lisbon Treaty does not make any such pro- vision - it only considers a country leaving the European Union. And in theory a country cannot be forced out of the bloc - it has to decide of its own accord whether it wants to stay.
It is hard to predict of the economic impact of the Greece’s EU membership, or equivalently, the costs and benefits of withdrawal. Framing the aggregate impact in terms of a single number, or even irrefutably demonstrating that the net effects are positive or negative, is a formidably difficult exercise. This is partly because many of the costs and benefits are, in certain respects, subjective, diffuse or intangible; and partly because a host of assumptions must be made about the terms on which the Greece would depart the EU. Any estimate of the effects of with- drawal will be highly sensitive to such assumptions, and can thus be embedded with varying degrees of optimism.
The right of withdrawal Article 50 of the Treaty on Eu- ropean Union (TEU), as amended by the Lisbon Treaty provided for Member States to leave the EU if they want- ed to and sets out a procedure for a voluntary withdrawal from the Union according to a State’s own constitutional requirements. EU law is part of Greece law and its en- actment has given this country citizens, companies and state authorities certain rights and obligations5. A de- parting State could resign from the EU under Art. 50 TEU and then apply to rejoin. That would comply with the legal formalities of the Treaties; however, the eco- nomic collapse unleashed by such a departure may make it unlikely that the remaining members of the EU would welcome the departing State back. Furthermore, tech-
it wants to go. The Council then agrees the terms of the exit via a qualified majority.
5 Greece could simply leave the EU without invoking clause of art.
50 because the membership of the EU depends upon the Eu- ropean Communities Act, and Greek Parliament could end that membership by repealing that Act. See also Joseph H. H. Weiler, Alternatives to Withdrawal from an International Organization:
The Case of the European Economic Community, 20 ISRAEL LAW REVIEW 282, 287 (1985).
nically under the Treaties, the rejoining state would be obliged to sign-up to the Euro as soon as the economic tests set out in the TEU were fulfilled (unless an opt-out were negotiated), thus rendering this method of depar- ture less useful.
Article 50 of the amended Treaty on European Union (TEU) allows a Member State unilaterally to leave the EU in accordance with its own constitutional require- ments e. g. member state which decides to withdraw shall notify the European Council of its intention. In the light of the guidelines provided by the European Coun- cil, the Union shall negotiate and conclude an agreement with that State, setting out the arrangements for its with- drawal, taking account of the framework for its future relationship with the Union. That agreement shall be ne- gotiated in accordance with Article 218(3) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. It shall be concluded on behalf of the Union by the Council, act- ing by a qualified majority, after obtaining the consent of the European Parliament. Article 218(3) specifies that The Commission, or the High Representative of the Un- ion for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy where the agreement envisaged relates exclusively or principally to the common foreign and security policy, shall sub- mit recommendations to the Council, which shall adopt a decision authorizing the opening of negotiations and, depending on the subject of the agreement envisaged, nominating the Union negotiator or the head of the Un- ion’s negotiating team.
The decision to leave does not need the endorsement or formal agreement of the other Member States. With- drawal can happen, whether or not there is a withdrawal agreement, two years after the leaving State notifies the European Council of its intention to withdraw. However, the terms of Article 50 TEU imply an orderly, negotiated withdrawal. Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union provides a mechanism for states to withdraw from the EU. It is not intended to provide a mechanism for Mem- ber States to force a renegotiation of the terms of their existing membership of the EU whilst remaining within the EU. The withdrawal process that Article 50 sets out does include a period of negotiation.
However, Article 50(2) makes clear that this negotiation follows a decision by a Member States to leave and states that the purpose of this negotiation is to set out the ar- rangements for a Member State’s withdrawal, taking ac- count of the framework for its future relationship with the European Union. In addition, Article 50(4) deprives the withdrawing State not only of a vote on the terms of the withdrawal agreement but also of the right to take
part in discussions about that agreement in either the European Council or the Council. The Prime Minister, by contrast, envisages a British Government playing an active and positive role in securing reforms of the EU as a whole, including through changes to the Treaties.
In accordance with Art. 50(2) TEU, a withdrawal agree- ment is an international agreement between the EU and a departing country. Taking into account the potential comprehensiveness of such an agreement, it may fall within different categories of competence, which are either shared between the EU and its member states or exclusively of the European Union. Unless it is decided otherwise, a withdrawal treaty may have to be concluded as a mixed agreement, making the ratification procedure much longer and more complex as it will involve the member states. It has to be emphasized that a departing country will be treated as a third country during such negotiations. Moreover, unlike accession treaties, with- drawal agreements do not form part of EU primary law.
Thus, unless a special formula is developed, they cannot amend the treaties on which the EU is based. This im- plies that alongside an international treaty regulating withdrawal, the remaining member states would have to negotiate between themselves a treaty amending the founding treaties in order to repeal all provisions touch- ing upon the departing country. Further complexities may be added if a departing country chooses to make a rapid move from the EU to the European Economic Area (EEA) instead. That would necessitate a third treaty regulating the terms of accession to EFTA and a fourth to deal with the accession to the EEA. The latter would require the approval of the EU and its member states, the EEA-EFTA countries and the departing/joining country.
A withdrawal includes a number of complex issues through negotiations with the other EU Member States, including a new relationship with the Common Agri- cultural and Common Fisheries Policies, revised trade rules with EU Member States and with third parties, changes to the arrangements for the free movement of workers throughout the EU and EEA areas, to name but a few. The Greek government would probably negotiate transitional arrangements to take account of these and other matters, and then establish a new relationship with the EU. It has been argued that a Greece could apply for a membership in the European Economic Area (EEA), a treaty between the EU, its Member States, and Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein which extends the EU’s inter- nal market rules to the associated States.
Art. 50 states that a Member State may decide to with- draw from the Union, in accordance with its own con-
7 K. J. Gruszczynski: The legal framework for Grekxit
stitutional requirements, it means that a sovereign state may decide on the exit6. This is manifestly a voluntary choice, because there are no rules in the Treaty stating that a Member State ‘shall’ withdraw from the Union in any particular circumstances7.
Article 50(3) TEU then sets out the timing of withdraw- al whereas the Greece and potential UK would cease to be an EU Member State either at the date of entry into force of the withdrawal agreement or, ‘failing that’, two years after the notification of its intention to withdraw from the EU, unless the European Council and Greece unanimously agree to extend that period. Of course, Ar- ticle 50 applies to any Member State that might choose to leave at any desirable time. In accordance with Article 50(4), during this period, the Greece could not partici- pate in discussions concerning it in some EU institutions – namely the European Council and the Council, which comprises Member States ministers, therefore a qualified majority’ vote would be recalculated without the Greece.
An official notification to withdraw will automatically result in the Greece ceasing to be a Member State of the EU, as of two years from the date of notification, unless one of two things happens: a withdrawal agreement sets a different date, or the Greece and the remaining Mem- ber States (voting unanimously) agree to extend that time limit. Presumably the date of the withdrawal agree-
6 On the principle of sovereign statehood as an immutable consti- tutional principle, and hence a limit on the transfer of sovereign powers to the European Union, see, for example, P. Kirchhof, in Handbuch des Staatsrechts II, third edition (2004), paragraph 21, point 84; idem, in Europarecht, 1991, supplement 1, p. 11 (13); Ran- delzhofer, in Maunz/Dürig (eds.), Grundgesetz (as updated in Oct.
2008), Article 24(1), point 204; Herdegen, in Europäische Grun- drechte-Zeitschrift, 1992, p. 589 (592); Murswiek, in Der Staat, 32 (1993), p. 161 (162 et seq.); Di Fabio, in Der Staat 32 (1993), p. 191 (199 et seq.); P.M. Huber, in Thüringer Verwaltungsblätter, 1994, p.
1 (2); Breuer, in Neue Zeitschrift für Verwaltungsrecht, 1994, p. 417 (423-4); Fink, in Die Öffentliche Verwaltung, 1998, pp. 133 et seq.;
Streinz, in Sachs (ed.), Grundgesetz, fifth edition (2009), Article 23, point 84; Rojan, in von Münch/Kunig (eds.), Grundgesetz, Vol. 2, fifth edition (2001), Article 23, point 15 (with references); Classen, in von Mangoldt/Klein/Starck (eds.), Grundgesetz, Vol. 2, fourth edition (2000), Article 23, point 4; Hillgruber, in Handbuch des Staatsrechts II, third edition (2004), paragraph 32, points 41 and 108; Isensee, in Handbuch des Staatsrechts II, third edition (2004), paragraph 15, points 30 et seq. and 196; Broß, in Festschrift für Hans Hablitzel, 2005, p. 55 (57-8 and 60). For opposing opinions see Scholz, in Maunz/Dürig (eds.),
7 A Member State which decides to withdraw shall notify the Eu- ropean Council of its intention. In the light of the guidelines provi- ded by the European Council, the Union shall negotiate and conc- lude an agreement with that State, setting out the arrangements for its withdrawal, taking account of the framework for its future relationship with the Union. That agreement shall be negotiated in accordance with Article 218(3) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. It shall be concluded on behalf of the Union by the Council, acting by a qualified majority, after obta- ining the consent of the European Parliament.
ment could be set either before or after the two-year de- fault time limit.
Art. 50 provides for the negotiation of a withdrawal ar- rangement, not a deal on the Greece’s future relationship with the EU, therefore Article 50(2) refers only to taking account of that ‘future relationship’ in the withdrawal ar- rangement. It seems that the details of the withdrawal arrangement and the treaty establishing that future re- lationship would be closely linked. The additional with- drawal treaty(ties) would aim to regulate a transition pe- riod before the treaty on the future relationship entered into force.
Article 50(3) of the Lisbon Treaty provides that the Trea- ties shall cease to apply to the State in question from the date of entry into force of the withdrawal agreement or, failing that, two years after the notification referred to in paragraph 2, unless the European Council, in agreement with the Member State concerned, unanimously decides to extend this period8. Such reading, however, would undermine the obligation to conclude an agreement laid down in Article 50(2) of the Lisbon Treaty. This raises the issue of the meaning of Article 50(3) of the Lisbon Treaty and its impacts on the obligation of the EU to conclude a withdrawal agreement.
The Lisbon Treaty as a primary source of EU law has direct effect on the validity and applicability of EU law.
Therefore, Article 50(3) of the Lisbon Treaty generally implies that the Greece will no longer be bound by EU law after its termination of the Lisbon Treaty. Conse- quently, EU law would no longer be applied to all future rights and obligations of Greek individuals and entities after its termination.
The two-year negotiation period set out in the Lisbon Treaty in combination with the requirement to conclude a withdrawal agreement allows the following interpreta- tion: the two-year period may be understood as an ‘es- cape clause’ for the parties if either party breaches good faith in terms of insufficient efforts in negotiations or un- reasonable conditions for withdrawal. the Lisbon Treaty is a primary source of EU law. It provides requirements for the legitimacy of all other sources of EU law that may be invoked against any EU legal act “which is intended to produce legal effects vis-à-vis third parties”933 brought
8 Lisbon Treaty (2009), Art. 50(3).
9 Lisbon Treaty (2009), Art. 263 states that The Court of Justice of the European Union shall review the legality of legislative acts, of acts of the Council, of the Commission and of the European Central Bank, other than recommendations and opinions, and of acts of the European Parliament and of the European Council intended to produce legal effects vis-à-vis third parties. It shall also review the legality of acts of bodies, offices or agencies of the Union intended
for judicial review to the CJEU under Article 263 of the Lisbon Treaty. Therefore, the withdrawal agreement from the EU and the withdrawal agreement as such may have to comply with the Lisbon Treaty and the rules of legitimacy of EU legal acts.
Especially art. 50 TEU defines the following stages of a negotiated withdrawal:
1. Formal notice: The withdrawing Member State must first send a formal notice to the European Council, the Council is vested with the power and responsibility to negotiate and conclude the withdrawal implementa- tion agreement. By exercising this power and respon- sibility, the Council, as opposed to the Member States, thus also acts as a treasurer and custodian of the “legal heritage of rights” of the individuals emphasized by the ECJ in its well-established jurisprudence. The latter is, in my opinion, the key to understanding the withdrawal provision, which is an attempt to harmonize traditional, state-centered sovereignty and the more modern type of sovereignty or autonomy of supranational organizations.
2. Adoption of negotiating guidelines: The Europe- an Council issues guidelines on the basis of which the Council negotiates the terms of exit and future relation- ship between the EU and that Member State a long nego- tiation period under Article 50 TEU would be necessary because “withdrawal from the Union would involve the unravelling of a highly complex skein of budgetary, legal, political, financial, commercial and personal relation- ships, liabilities and obligations”.22 The two-year negoti- ating period would aim to conclude both the withdrawal agreement and any consequent amendments to the EU Treaties.
The negotiations would take place in accordance with Article 218(3) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). The European Commission, taking into account the European Council’s guidelines, submits a recommendation to the Council, which adopts a decision authorizing the opening of the negotiations and nominates the Union negotiator or the head of the EU’s negotiation team.
The Council of Ministers, having obtained the consent of the EP (i.e. the EP has a right of veto over the withdrawal agreement), concludes the agreement, acting by a Quali- fied Majority Vote (QMV – roughly two-thirds). During
to produce legal effects vis-à-vis third parties. It shall for this pur- pose have jurisdiction in actions brought by a Member State, the European Parliament, the Council or the Commission on grounds of lack of competence, infringement of an essential procedural requirement, infringement of the Treaties or of any rule of law re- lating to their application, or misuse of power”.
the negotiation, the withdrawing Member State would continue to participate in other EU business as normal, but it would not participate in Council or European Council discussions or decisions on its own withdrawal.
The withdrawing state would be released from its obli- gations under the Treaties upon entry into force of the withdrawal agreement, or two years after its notification to the European Council. This period may be extended by unanimous agreement.
3. Negotiated arrangement: The terms of exit and post-exit relationship are negotiated by the EU on the basis of recommendations by the Commission (Article 218(3) TFEU) and the Council decides by a qualified majority after receiving the consent of the European Parliament. the Member State wishing to withdraw from the EU notifies the European Council of such intention (para. 1). As such, this notification does not have any direct terminating legal effect. Instead, a minimum pe- riod of two years, which may be best described as a no- tice period, for negotiating the terms and conditions of a withdrawal and its implementation in the form of a withdrawal implementation agreement, is triggered by the Member State’s notification to the European Council.
the withdrawal implementation agreement needs to take account of the framework for the “future relationship”
between the withdrawing Member State and the EU. As it appears, the drafters of the Constitutional Treaty thus assume that some kind of (legal) relationship will still remain between the Union and the withdrawing Mem- ber State even after the withdrawal has come into effect.
though not expressly mentioned in the provision, any le- gal consequences of the withdrawal regarding the rights and obligations for any natural persons and legal entities affected by the withdrawal need to be dealt with. In the absence of a well-drafted withdrawal implementation agreement, the specific legal consequences will remain open to doubt. What, for instance, should happen to the employees of the Union who are nationals of the with- drawing Member State? What will be the fate of the Un- ion’s offices on the territory of the withdrawing Member State? And can nationals of the withdrawing Member State still be eligible for scholarships sponsored by the EU? Is the withdrawing Member State obligated to pay its outstanding contributions?510 both the Union and the withdrawing Member State will have a vital interest in concluding a withdrawal implementation agreement. It needs to be noted in this context, however, that an ex- press legal obligation to negotiate and conclude such
10 See KLABBERS, AN INTRODUCTION TO INTERNATIONAL INSTITU- TIONAL LAW, 2004, p. 126
9 K. J. Gruszczynski: The legal framework for Grekxit
agreement is only imposed on the Council, not on the withdrawing Member State11
After Greece will decide to exit the EU, it can of course apply to become a new Member State. New MS do not automatically join the Eurozone, but they become a MS
‘with a derogation’, in accordance with article 139 TFEU, like for example Poland and Sweden. There is an obliga- tion to strife towards entry into the Eurozone, but re-en- try is dependent on a (political) decision by the Council.
The disadvantage is that, even if exit and re-entry to the Union would coincide, there would be a considerable delay before Greece could leave, because national ratifi- cation procedures are unpredictable and needless to say burdensome.
e
urozoneLeaving the EU raises many legal questions as well as economic and political ones. EU law is an integral part of the law of every member state and an exiting mem- ber state would need to consider the effect of exit, not only on its legal rights and obligations as against other member states, but also on the rights and obligations of its domestic corporations, financial institutions, govern- mental entities and citizens. Article 3 (4) of the Treaty on European Union (“TEU”) provides that the Union es- tablishes an Economic and Currency Union and that the Euro is its currency.12 Article 119 (2) of TFEU provides that the activities of the EU encompass the single curren- cy. TFEU Article 128 (1) provides that the Euro bills are the only legal tender within the EU. TFEU Article 139 provides for certain exemptions for so-called Member States with a derogation – the EU Council adopted a res- olution (2000/427) on 19 June 2000 which states that Greece does not belong to the Member States with a der- ogation. original resolution 2000/427 which declared Greece to be a Member State for which no derogation applies (with the consequence that after such resolution Greece would be a Member State to which a derogation applies within the meaning of Article 139 TFEU) and such Council adopting the resulting amendments to the Euro Introduction Regulation on the basis of Article 140
11 As an example in Germany constitutional requirements for a with- drawal of the Federal Republic of Germany would include an amendment of the German Basic Law (Grundgesetz), to be re- solved in accordance with Article 79(2) of the German Basic Law by two-third majorities in both the Federal Parliament (Bunde- stag) and the Federal Council (Bundesrat).
12 In terms of its economy and financial markets, the Eurozone plays an important role globally, especially as compared to past break- -up countries. The Eurozone nations currently account for roughly 20% of global GDP (measured in current US dollars at the market exchange rate), with GIIPS countries alone accounting for 6.7% of global output.
TFEU.13 However, even though such an EU Council Reg- ulation would have direct effect in all relevant Member States and would need to be recognized by all courts in all Member States, it would not automatically be binding on courts of countries outside of the EU, and would not necessarily change contracts governed by a law which is not the law of a Member State.
Following an informal summit in Brussels on 23 May 2012, eurozone heads of state issued a message of sup- port for Greece and stated a collective wish that Greece remain within the eurozone. The eurozone leaders also urged Greece to stay the course on austerity and to com- plete the reforms demanded under the terms of its bail- out. In the wake of the summit, however, it was widely reported that eurozone leaders have been advised to pre- pare contingency plans in the event that Greece were to exit the single currency. Given the potential consequenc- es, the government of a member state contemplating a unilateral withdrawal from EMU would need to weigh up whether the devil they know is a worse prospect than life outside the Eurozone. A member state in financial difficulties can always choose to default on its sovereign debt and remain within the euro, since there is currently no mechanism for ejecting a member state from either EMU or the EU.
A default by Greece would not preclude it remaining in the eurozone. In practice, however, a defaulting euro- zone member state is likely to remain within the euro- zone only with the support (financial and political) of the other EU member states and institutions such as the ECB and the IMF. A default would be expected to lead to a global debt relief arrangement and a form of restruc- turing proposal being offered to creditors of the default- ing state. Eurozone member states are facing significant challenges in reducing public and private deficits and stimulating growth. In Greece, this has been combined with political instability which has led to widespread discussion as to whether or not Greece may exit the eu- rozone (whether in the short, medium or longer term).
A Greek exit would undoubtedly increase the potential for sovereign and corporate defaults
There are no specific provisions in the current EU treaties for the expulsion of a member state from the eurozone or the EU - even if a member state is in serious breach of its obligations under those treaties.4 There is also cur- rently no mechanism for a eurozone member state to leave the eurozone voluntarily without also leaving the
13 It is possible – the revocation of EU Council Regulation 2596/2000 of 27 November 2000, pursuant to which Greece was added to the list of Member States who participate in the Euro, so that Greece would be removed from the list of participating Member States;
